Zichan
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Zichan (WG: Tzu Ch'an) (traditional Chinese: 子產; simplified Chinese: 子产)[1] (c.581-522)[2] was a Chinese statesman during the late Spring and Autumn period. From 543 until his death in 522 BCE, he served as the chief minister of the State of Zheng. Also known as Gongsun Qiao (traditional Chinese: 公孫僑; simplified Chinese: 公孙侨,[3] he is better known by his courtesy name Zichan.
As chief minister of Zheng, a notable and centrally-located state, Zichan faced aggression from powerful neighbors without and a fractious domestic politics within. He led as Chinese culture and society endured a centuries-long period of turbulence. Governing traditions were then unstable and malleable, institutions battered by chronic war, and emerging new ways of government sharply contested.
Under Zichan the Zheng state prospered. He introduced strengthening reforms and met foreign threats. His statecraft was respected by his peers and reportedly appreciated by the people. Favorably treated in the Zuo Zhuan (an ancient text of history), Zichan drew comments from his near-contemporary Confucius, later from Mencius and Han Fei.
Background
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Zhou dynasty
[edit]By its military defeat in 771 BCE, later historians divide the Zhou (c.1045-221) into periods: Western and Eastern, as in retreat Zhou moved its capital east over 500 km.[4][5] The dynasty not only never recovered, its regime steadily lost strength during the Spring and Autumn period (770-481). At its start the Zhou rulers deployed the fengjian system. Differing from the feudal, kinship formed the primary bond between the royal dynast and local 'vassal'.[6][7][8][9]
State of Zheng
[edit]The founder of Zheng was Duke Huan (r.806-771), brother to Zhou King Xuan (r.825-782). Zheng state by 767 had also moved its capital east,[10] near Zhou's new royal lands.[11][12][13][14] Strategically located, Zheng prospered by trade.[15] In 707 Duke Zhuang of Zheng (r.743-701) defeated the Zhou King's invasion. This celebrated Duke is compared to the Five Hegemons.[16] In 673 Zheng attacked the royal capital, killed the usurping ruler, and restored the prior Zhou King. Although Zheng's military then declined, it prospered, and survived many attacks by powerful neighbors.[17][18] In Zheng later during the Warring States (480-221) "the centre of the political stage was occupied by the competition between clans".[19] During that era's fierce interstate combat, Zheng met its demise in 375 BCE.[20][21][22][23]
Family of Zichan
[edit]Zichan was closely related to the hereditary Dukes of Zheng state, hence also kin of the royal Zhou. As a grandson of Zheng's admired Duke Mu (r. 627-606), he was called Gongsun Qiao, "Ducal Grandson". Zichan was a member of the clan of Guo, one of the Seven Houses of Zheng. Led by their nobility these clans competed for power and prestige; yet the Guo was seldom the strongest. His ancestral surname was Ji,[24] his personal name was Ji Qiao.[25][26][27]
In 565 BCE Zichan's father, Prince Fa (Gongzi Fa or Kung-tsze Kwoh), led a victorious campaign against the State of Cai. His military success, however, risked provoking the hostility of stronger neighboring states, e.g., Chu to the south and Jin to the north. Yet the Zheng leadership appeared pleased. Except Zichan, who said a small state like Zheng should excel in civic virtue, not martial achievement, else it will have no peace. Prince Fa (Ziguo) then rebuked his teenage son Zichan.[28][29][30][31][32] Shortly after the Cai victory, but unrelated, Prince Fa was assassinated by rival nobles of Zheng.[33][34] Amid internal power struggles, Duke Jian of Zheng (r. 566-530) had begun his reign.[35]
Career profile
[edit]Path as state official
[edit]In 543 BCE, when nearing 40 years of age,[36][37] Zichan became prime minister of Zheng state. Zichan's career path to the top position started in 565,[38] and involved his finding a way through the unexpected sometimes violent events and social instabilities that challenged Zheng's political class. Selected events of his early career follow, the chief primary source being the Zuo Zhuan.[39][40]
Since 570 BCE Zichan's father had been one of three leading aristocrats who directed Zheng's government. The head of state was the Duke of Zheng, but in fact this triumvirate of nobles kept control. In 562 BCE "armed insurgents" led by seven disaffected clan nobles, overthrew the government and killed all three rulers. Zichan survived, and rallied his clan. He "got all his officers in readiness... formed his men in ranks, [and] went forth with 17 chariots of war." Another "led the people" to Zichan's side. Two rebel leaders (and many followers) were killed; five fled Zheng.[41][42][43] The ruling 'oligarchy' of elite nobles prevailed, the brutal tactics of the uprising failed.[44][45]
Zikong, the new Zheng leader after the failed 562 rebellion, prepared and issued a document declaring his autocratic rule. It provoked fierce opposition from the nobility and the people. Zichan urged Zikong to renounce the document by burning it in public. His rhetoric to Zikong used likely scenarios to illustrate a probable negative outcome. Zikong then burned it.[46][47][48] In 553 BCE Zikong tried again to monopolize political power, supported by Chu state. But two nobles rose to fatally block him. The two formed a new triumvirate to rule Zheng, the third being Zichan, elevated now as a high minister.[49][50][51]
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Zheng state in 561 BCE had joined a coalition headed by the powerful Jin state to the north.[52] Zichan as a high minister maneuvered to ally Zheng with the other small-state members, in order to lighten their burdens. The hedgemon Jin had required all 'northern league' members to make regular state visits to Jin, and each time to bring high-value gifts.[53][54] In 548 Zichan wrote a convincing letter to Jin's chief minister. It criticized Jin for increasing the value of 'gifts' demanded. Zichan argued this worked against Jin's reputation. Worth more than the gifts was Jin's good name; on it rested Jin's virtue, the very foundation of Jin state.[55][56][57] Zichan continued to lobby Jin on behalf of the small states.[58]
In 547 BCE the Zheng people made war on the small state of Chen as pay back (a year earlier Chu state and Chen attacked Zheng,[59] closing up wells and cutting down trees). With 700 chariots Zheng took the Chen capital. Yet Zichan directed military leaders to return without looting the city or destroying its sanctuaries; nor did the Zheng army seize hostages. For a military victor to act harshly, take war booty and vengeance was then customary in ancient China's multistate system.[60][61][62][63][64] Zichan later defended Zheng's invasion of Chen to Jin's ministers.[65][66][67]
A violent feud broke out between several elite nobles of rival clans. It threatened the unity of Zheng state. Initially Zichan had distanced himself to avoid the bitter conflict's social contagion. Yet his attention was solicited. By using the remedial details from a local tradition,[68][69][70][71][72] as a guide, Zichan managed to bring the raucous disputants into negotiation, circa 543 BCE. The solution worked-out did not prove agreeable to all the parties, yet the bloody feud came to an end.[73][74][75][76]
Zichan had remained a popular leader.[77][78] Zheng's chief minister in 544 wanted to appoint Zichan as his successor. Zichan declined: the office was burdened from without by strong and aggressive rival states, and from within by constant feuding of the clans. In the end, Zichan was convincingly assured of a tolerable coexistence among the nobility. Such unity might be sufficient for Zichan to pursue reforms.[79][80][81][82]
Reform programs
[edit]Zichan initiated actions to strengthen the Zheng state. Along with subordinate ministers and aides,[83] Zichan had strategized what reforms might work best over time, and improvised.
Agricultural methods were managed to increase the harvest. He reset boundaries between farmlands. Tax reforms increased state revenue. Military policies were kept current. Laws were published in a break with tradition. Administration of state operations were centralized, effective officials recruited, social norms guided. Commerce flourished. Rites were performed and Zhou-era customs followed, in an evolving social context.[84] Divinations for Zheng state were handled by its special ministry. Interstate relations required constant vigilance, e.g., to meet demands for tribute. His negotiating skills were tested. Zichan had opposition and acquired a sophist enemy. He did not always succeed.[85]
From the Han dynasty historian Sima Qian,[86] his Shiji:
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Tzu-ch'an[87] was one of the high ministers of the state of [Zheng]. ... [Its affairs had been] in confusion, superiors and inferiors were at odds with each other, and fathers and sons quarreled. ... [Then] Tzu-ch'an [was] appointed prime minister. After... one year, the children in the state had ceased their naughty behavior, grey-haired elders were no longer seen carrying heavy burdens... . After two years, no one overcharged in the markets. After three years, people stopped locking their gates at night... . After four years, people did not bother to take home their farm tools when the day's work was finished, and after five years, no more conscription orders were sent out to the knights. ... Tzu-ch'an ruled for twenty-six years [sic], and when he died the young men wept and the old men cried... .[88][89][90]
The earlier Zuo Zhuan had also told of the people's appraisal of Zichan, a version similar to the Shiji, but differing in stages and detail. After one year the workers complained, griping about new taxes on their clothes and about a new levy against the land. Yet after three years the workers praised Zichan: for teaching their children, and increasing the yield of their fields.[91][92]
Yet however skillful his statecraft, Zichan in his reformist role as proponent of advanced policies was not unique. Over a century earlier Guan Zhong (720-645), the chief minister of Qi, earned praise for his effective management. His innovations included administrative and military-agricultural innovations. The Qi state nonetheless maintained traditional Zhou rituals. As a consequence Duke Huan of Qi became the 'first' of the Five Hegemons, and a noted "paragon".[93][94][95] Another reformist minister was Li Kui (455-395) of Wei.[96]
Agriculture
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Agricultural politics in Zheng not only affected control of farm operations and the land, but taxation, and the military.
Zichan's policy sought to improve food production, the planting, tending, and harvesting of crops, the care of livestock.[98][99] A minister's role included agricultural management to further state prosperity,[100] as recorded in the Zhou era's Shijing.[101][102][103] Techniques and methods developed. Farm implements of stone or wood were being replaced by iron. As yoked to oxen, a metal plow increased the yield, directly causing a rise in prosperity of people and rulers.[104][105][106]
Zichan in 543 BCE reset the boundaries of farm lands and the location of irrigation ditches.[107] "The fields were all marked out by their banks and ditches."[108][109] The Mencius later described a traditional well-field system of land use,[110][111] in which eight plots of farm land surround a ninth to be tilled in common.[112][113] More probably clan lineages (zu) controlled the agricultural lands, and distributed parcels to the peasants who paid rent in kind; the remaining land was collectively cultivated to support, e.g., the lineage temple.[114][115][116]
The 543 order by Zichan transformed Zheng agriculture, it "carried out such reforms as grouping houses by five, responsible for one another, and marking out all the fields by banks and ditches."[117][118][119] Clan leaders of Zheng had long dominated farming operations on their lands.[120][121] Moving the ditches was inherently risky for any politician. Clans in fierce rivalry had led violent protests to nullify any action to lessen their land dominance, the source of power, wealth, and status.[122][123][124]
Tax issues arose from Zichan's reforms of farmland. Zheng's revenues were chronically short, often due to costs for defense, or to pay out tribute to powerful neighboring states.[125] A 537 BCE reform made by Zichan increased the land tax, which drew sharp criticism in Zheng. The people reviled him, "His father died on the road, and he himself is a scorpion's tail." Zichan replied that there was no harm in the people's complaints, but that the new law benefited Zheng. "I will either live or die," he said, quoting an Ode, "I will not change it."[126][127]
Taxing land was delicate. Complicated by the multifaceted politics of land ownership, such issues were contested then, and later by scholars.[128][129] Happening was a fundamental shift in the evolution of farmland ownership and its agency, starting confusedly in the Spring and Autumn (Zichan's era), and completed more-or-less during the Warring States. Moving away from traditional communities dominated by clan lineages, land ownership devolved, inch by inch, to more efficiently-run holdings of "nuclear family households". Holdings that were taxed.[130][131][132][133][134]
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Warfare intersected agriculture. Chariots driven in battle by aristocrats (familiar to Zichan) were starting to be supplanted by infantry.[135][136] Most foot soldiers were also farmers.[137][138][139] Interstate military competition was raw, and intensified; it pushed the ruling ministers to increase their armies, existential demands that drew on agriculture, the chief source of communal wealth and recruits for armed force.[140][141]
An army accordingly was supported by taxing land and its ranks filled by drafting farmers. The early reforms by Qi state (7th century BCE) had so organized its infantry into fighting units of five so as to match the social units of five composed of farming families.[142] By his agricultural and land-tax reforms starting in 543 BCE, "Zi Chan reordered the fields of Zheng into a grid with irrigation channels, levied a tax on land, organized rural households into units of five, and created a qiu levy."[143][144][145] The qiu levy here suggests the qiu troops that Lu state had created circa 590 BCE. Prof. Lewis concludes that Zichan followed the land tax and defense policies of Jin and Lu states in "extending military recruitment into the countryside", strongly opposed by the capital elites who accordingly were "losing their privileged position" as Zheng's armed force.[146][147][148]
The laws of 536 BC
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Context of legal act
[edit]In Zichan's reform of government one major focus concerned the law. Before Zichan, in each state the powerful hereditary clans, descendants of the Zhou lineage, had generally enforced their own closely-held laws and regulations.[149] The contents of the law might be known only to a "limited number of dignitaries who were concerned with their execution and enforcement." Laws "were not made known to the public."[150] "When the people were kept from knowing the law, the ruling class could manipulate it as it saw fit."[151] Yet the traditional governance among the city-states was then faltering and dissolving in continually changing conditions. In many regimes the ministers, by maneuver or ursupation, were replacing Zhou-lineage clan rulers in whose name they had acted. Ministers began to assume direct state rule of the population.[152] The Zuo Zhuan records that in 536 BCE Zheng state had its penal statutes inscribed on a bronze caldron or ding,[153][154] that was made public, a first among the Eastern Zhou states.[155][156]
Au contraire, one modern view challenges this notion that no state had published its laws before the late Spring and Autumn period. Prof. Creel doubted that laws were kept secret. He refers to earlier laws mentioned in ancient writings.[157][158] Creel questioned several widely-quoted passages from the Zuo Zhuan that narrate: 1) how Zichan inscribed the Zheng laws on the bronze tripod ding in 536; and, 2) how Confucius criticized the similar publication of laws by a nearby state, Jin in 513.[159]
Yet the story of Zichan being first to publish remains the modern consensus.[160][161][162][163][164][165] Zhao comments how the adverse political situation of Zheng "produced the legendary figure of Zichan, arguably the most influential reformer of his age. [Zichan's] most remarkable act was placing a caldron inscribed with Zheng's legal codes in a public place in 536". Judging by the fierce reaction generated, Zichan's action must have been considered "sensational at the time".[166] A law whose text was available to those subject to it, would work to foster their awareness of proper civic conduct. Published laws served the state, 1) as a way of guiding the people, and also 2) as a more effective tool of control, because it warns as well as legitimises punishment of violators. Zichan possessed the ability to break open a new chapter in social norms because he "had the complete support of the people of Cheng [Zheng], he enjoyed a position of full authority there throughout his life."[167][168][169][170]
Initial adverse reactions
[edit]For publishing the laws of Zheng, Zichan was criticized by some of his key contemporaries. It undermined the nobility, undercut their governing authority and their judicial role. Before, in making their legal judgments, the elite officials had applied to the facts their own confidential interpretation of what they viewed as the inherited social traditions, styled later 'rule by virtue'. The end result of this shrouded procedure would be very difficult to challenge.[171] By articulating and making public the legal statutes the people were better empowered to advance an opposing view of state law. Up until then ruling circles thought publishing the law would be detrimental, would open the door to public argument, bickering, and shameless maneuvering to avoid social tradition, its time-tested moral force.[172][173] The situation was multi-sided, as political roles were changing during a surge in growth of material culture; the social tradition itself was in flux. Opening up laws to be viewed by the common people would subsequently become the trend in pre-imperial Chinese statecraft.[174]
Deng Xi of Zheng (545-501 BC),[175] for good or ill, acquired a reputation for provoking social conflict and civic instability. A child when Zichan published the laws, Deng Xi was a controversial official of Zheng with Mingjia philosophical views.[176] Despite being aware and warned of the corrosive activities of the Mingjia, Zichan in 536 had an historic bronze ding cast, inscribed with Zheng's penal laws. As Deng Xi came of age, he challenged the state and its ministers, including Zichan.[177][178][179] Some thought he studied trickery.[180] The state of Zheng in 501 put him to death. Most probably it was not Zichan.[181][182][183][184] Ancient documents, however, are divided as to who ordered his execution.[185][186][187][188][189] Sun comments, "But the problems he raised were not solved by his death."[190][191]
A long 'letter' faulting Zichan for making the law public, was written by Shuxiang a minister of Jin and personal friend of Zichan. It marshaled strong traditional arguments against his publishing the penal laws of Zheng. Publishing weakened the timeless traditions closely-held by clan leaders. Confucius would later raise such issues anew.[192][193] Harshly accusing Zichan of grave error, Shuxiang here predicted future calamity for Zheng state. Responding Zichan claimed he was "untalented" and so unable to properly manage the laws with a view toward the future generations. To benefit people of Zheng alive today was his aim.[194][195][196][197][198] Issues at stake here were long debated, e.g., by philosophers of the Warring States era that followed,[199][200] and long continued,[201] until today.
Sources, politics, content
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After Zichan in 536, it became common practice for states to selectively publish their laws. In 513 Jin state laws were cast into the bronze of a tripod ding.[202]
In order to draft the legal text, a likely source for Zichan, in addition to his ministry's practice, would be the various competing clans living within Zheng: their privately-kept traditions of authority, each clan's customs and rules used to settle disputes.[203][204][205] Another source existed in the blood covenants (meng) created in writing between political entities in the late Spring and Autumn.[206][207][208][209] As discussed above, Creel lists earlier laws mentioned in ancient texts.[210] More generally, the rites of li, once inspired by an animated world, would be reworked, restructured and integrated, and during the Spring and Autumn period would continue to "amalgamate with law".[211]
Zichan created "a break with the long-standing tradition of clan autonomy, [by] the institution of his codified law."[212] The political effect worked to centralize legal authority in the Zheng state ministers, and to diminish the discretionary power of the several clans.[213] The legal publication also worked in bargaining and disputes to benefit the people of Zheng.[214]
The content of the Zheng penal laws of 536 may be suggested by the Fa Jing (claimed to be of Jin state circa 400), whose six 'fascicles' are titled: "Statutes on Robbery, on Banditry, on Net, on Arrest, Miscellaneous Statutes, and Statutes on the Composition (of Judgements)".[215][216]
Administration
[edit]In 526 Zichan received a request from Jin state's chief minister Han Qi, to buy a certain jade ring. Zichan said it was not in the treasury. Zheng clan leaders pressed Zichan to give it to Han Qi. Zichan replied that his duty was not to favor the powerful (here Jin which forced Zheng to pay it tribute), but to follow ritual propriety. Han Qi then said he bought the jade ring from a Zheng merchant, but the merchant insisted on first notifying Zheng state. Zichan recited a long-ago covenant of Duke Huan to Zheng merchants who gave their state help in time of need. "You will not rebel... and we will not force you to sell anything... ." Han Qi withdrew his request.[217][218][219][220]
Zichan prevented another minister from executing a man for criticizing the government, arguing the better state policy was to listen to opinions from the common people.[221] Yet to deal with opposition from Deng Xi, Zichan prohibited the public posting of writings and later delivery of pamphlets.[222][223]
In the hierarchy of Zichan's day, the nobility dominated a much larger rural population based on agriculture.[224][225][226] Yet it was a time of social transformations when the people were becoming more of a political factor that the elites had to somehow acknowledge.[227][228] Zichan had earned an early reputation as a civic provider for the people's welfare.[229][230][231] In his leadership style Zichan was advanced, in that he reportedly took into account the views or motivations of the nascent soldier-peasants, the common people of Zheng.[232][233][234]
Rites and tradition
[edit]The Zuo Zhuan mentions a summer meeting between the states in 517 BC five years after Zichan died. The Jin minister inquired about ceremony and li (ritual propriety) to an official of Zheng; he recalls a speech by "our former high officer" Zichan. The Zuo Zhuan quotes Zichan at length, in the ancient book's "grandest exposition of ritual and its role in ordering human life in accordance with cosmic principles", write the modern translators.[235][236][237][238][239] Prof. Fung comments on Zichan's views: "The idea expressed here... is that the practical value of ceremonials and music, punishments and penalties, lies in preventing the people from falling into disorder, and that these have originated from man's capacity for imitating Heaven and Earth."[240]
As the Zhou vassal states developed,[241] under their local urban rulers, the predominately rural people would align more with the fruitfulness and vitality of the farm lands, rather than with the fading charisma of the capital aristocrats.[242][243] This contributed to the decline in status of the urban shrines of Zhou lineage. Countryside "altars of soil and grain" became increasingly popular, multiplied, acquired layers of accumulated meaning.[244][245][246]
Interstate relations
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The early ambition of Zheng's political leadership seemed similar to other Zhou vassals, to strengthen the state and expand its territory. Initially triumphant, it became the leading state c.700. Such status did not last. Zheng's strategic position had powerful neighbors who hemmed it in on all sides, blocking its potential for competitive expansion.[247]
Zichan acted like a highly skilled realist in state-to-state politics. When the State of Jin tried to interfere in Zheng's internal affairs after the death of a Zheng minister, Zichan was aware of the danger. He argued that if Zheng allowed Jin to determine the minister's successor, Zheng lose its sovereignty. He eventually convinced Jin not to interfere in Zheng affairs.[248]
In 546 an interstate peace conference was held, in order to negotiate peaceful relations between a northern league headed by Jin, and southern league of Chu. An unsteady armistice was reached. In this new balance of power, Zichan excelled in statecraft and became widely known for his political skills.[249]
An embassy of Chu traveling to the state of Jin intended to cross over the territory of Zheng. Chu and Jin were the very powerful neighbors of Zheng, to the south and to the north. They were met at the border by Zheng officials including Zichan, who required them to swear an oath to do no harm within Zheng's borders. This was standard diplomatic protocol as proscribed in ritual texts.[250][251][252]
Zichan's general view was to allow in most cases the common people of Zheng to "free discussion of his policies" in their local schools. He excepted, however, discussion of relations with neighboring states, which too often would led to 'hot-headed' notions that courted disaster. In such matters that required the subtle use of reason, Zichan "failed to shake off the prejudice of the nobleman."[253]
Viewed in philosophy
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Zichan's political thinking is known from his work as minister of state. The kernels of his thought are found in the historical record. His near contemporary Confucius mentioned him. In the centuries following his death, several Warring States philosophers wrote of him, suggesting contexts for his points of view. In his lifetime Zichan's public life resulted in a reputation that endured in ancient Chinese political thought.[254][255][256]
An era of conflict and flux
[edit]During the course of the Spring and Autumn period when Zichan was minister "the old order broke down". The people "were bewildered by the lack of standards for settling disputes and maintaining harmonious relationships." The old clan-based hereditary houses, still nominally in power, were losing their social status while appointed state ministers became the new dominant authorities. The resulting regimes were often fragmented internally, divided and conflicted. War between the states also increased in frequency. The changing statecraft of the era was confused, no longer enjoying traditional sanction. The social instability and state upheavals seemed to compel a search for innovation, a fundamental change.[257][258]
Zichan is "depicted in the [Zuo Zhuan] as one of the wisest men of his time, and also as a leading statesman in the small ancient state of [Zheng], which was under constant threat of extinction by its powerful neighbors". Evidently in his person Zichan practiced the traditional li ceremonies and elite virtues of the fading Zhou dynasty (whose ideals were endorsed by Confucius). In his political craft, however, Han-era historians could see him as able to anticipate the later Legalist philosophy of the Warring States period, i.e., skillfull in the promulgation and enforcement of newly articulated laws. Such enforced obedience to state-wide standards would better secure the political control of events by the ministers.[259][260]
The Zuo Zhuan quotes at length from the words spoken by Zichan. His thoughts tended to separate the distant domains of Heaven and the near domain of the human world. He argued against superstition and acted to curb the authority of the Master of Divination. He counseled the people to follow their reason and experience. Heaven's way is distant and difficult to grasp; while the human way is near at hand.[261][262][263]
Confucius
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Confucius (551-479 BC) was almost 30 when Zichan died. Only in the generation after Zichan did Confucius, an unsuccessful office seeker, establish the literate tradition of an independent, private teacher in China.[265]
As a near contemporary, like Zichan, Confucius was "born in [this] period of great political and social change", a centuries-long revolutionary "upheaval caused by forces beyond his control and already under way." Prof. Creel notes scholarly speculation about the original sources Confucius used in his teaching; he comments that the Zuo Zhuan quotes at length "several statesmen who, living shortly before Confucius... expressed ideas remarkably like his." They were "advanced in their thinking".[266]
The Han historian Sima Qian lists Zichan as one of the six teachers of Confucius.[267][268]
There were, of course, issues on which Zichan and Confucius did not agree. Confucius, then only 15, did not comment when Zichan caused the laws of Zheng to be published in 536.[269][270] Yet when later in 513 the neighboring city-state of Jin published its laws, Confucius clearly made known his strong opposition. Such actions undercut the traditional authority of the Zhou-dynasty kings and the city-state nobles who ruled in their name, which scheme of governance Confucius consistently idealized.[271][272]
Another area of disagreement touched on the human capacity to draw insights from observing society. Confucius taught about an ability to discern, from today's repetition of civic events, the distant future. By careful observation, change in the customary rites of a dynasty can indicate the course of its social history many generations hence.[273][274][275][276] Zichan, however, at a decisive moment of political conflict, was known to confess thet he was not talented enough to make such future predictions. So he tailored his decision only for the people of Zheng then living.[277]
According to the Lunyu, Confucius nonetheless spoke well of Zichan. In his personal conduct and attitudes, Zichan seemed to represent the traditional virtues Confucius advocated.
The Master said of Tsze-ch'an that he had four of the characteristics of a superior man: in his conduct of himself, he was humble; in serving his superiors, he was respectful; in nourishing the people, he was kind; in ordering the people, he was just."[278][279]
The Lüshi paired Confucius and Zichan (who in this translation is called 'Prince Chan'). Both are praised as talented state ministers who led their countries to significant achievements. Both became widely regarded as successful governors who directed others to accomplish the tasks of administration.[280]
Mencius
[edit]The Mengzi of Mencius, fourth century (Warring States period), refers to Zichan. A perplexed disciple questions Mencius about the conduct of Shun, one of the legendary sage kings. Shun's hostile parents and family lied to him. Shun mistakenly believed them, but he did not reveal a corrupt nature thereby. Shun believed their lies because of his regard for his parents. A life of virtue is then discussed.
Mencius compared sage king Shun here to a story about Zichan, when he had believed a dishonest servant. Zichan had given his groundskeeper a live fish to keep in a pond; instead he cooked and ate it. He later told Zichan the fish was alive and swimming in the pond. Zichan was happy that the fish "found his place". Hearing this from Zichan, the servant mocked his reputation for wisdom. But not Mencius, who concluded: "Thus a noble man may be taken in by what is right, but he cannot be misled by what is contrary to the way".[281][282][283]
Yet Menzi in another episode disapproved of Zichan's 'small kindness'.[284][285]
Shen Buhai
[edit]![](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/f/f1/EN-HAN260BCE.jpg/220px-EN-HAN260BCE.jpg)
In 354 Shen Buhai[286] (c.400-337)[287] became chancellor of Han state. Before 403 Han had been one of three rebel, clan-ruled vassal provinces of Jin (W-G: Chin); it got state status from the Partition of Jin.[288] In 375 Han conquered its neighbor Zheng (W-G: Cheng),[289] where Shen Buhai had been born.
"The most famous man of Cheng was the statesman Tzu-ch'an, who controlled its government from 543 B.C. until his death in 522. . . . In some respects the role of Tzu-Ch'an in Cheng resembled that which Shen Pu-hai would play in Han two centuries later."[290]
Shen Buhai's "talent in statecraft" enabled him to "live quite well" during the Warring States period. Then the seven states were engaged in a fierce, all-consuming competition to survive. To become "strong in war" required "becoming strong in organization, population, and production". Effective rulers benefited from ministers or advisers with such skill and experience. A state's prestige was in fact celebrated by presence at court of political philosophers whose statecraft had been verified by success.[291]
Shen Buhai's contemporary was Shang Yang the legalist.[292][293] In their comparison, Han Fei distinguished two styles of government. The use of law (fa) to control people's conduct (which might be used to restrict activity to agriculture and war). The use of technique (shu) to manage through tact and formality, the personnel of government ministries (bureaucratic administration).[294][295] In this sense Shen Buhai did not follow legalism (fa) per se, but rather the use of technique (shu).[296] Zichan, however, appears as an early exemplar of employing both evolving styles.[297]
Shang Yang
[edit]Acclaimed by his adherents as the most successful in implementing legalism during the Warring States period, Shang Yang (c.390-338) did not mention Zichan in his writings. A major theme in Shang's politics was focus on agriculture and war, to the exclusion of all else, to strengthen his Qin state in order to dominate rivals.[298][299]
Zichan, of a different age, was not so narrowly focused. His acts intended to foster the virtues of traditional rites, by fa and shu Zheng state stayed fit, with innovative diplomacy he dealt with rival states, his government made room for merchants, the people of Zheng discussed his policies, along the way he was honored with a reputation in good standing.[300][301][302]
![](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/5/56/Portrait_of_Xun_Zi.jpg/220px-Portrait_of_Xun_Zi.jpg)
Xunzi
[edit]A disciple of Confucius, Xunzi (c.310-238) advanced the doctrine. He crafted a philosophical framework (filtered by Taoism and Legalism) to nest the teachings of the Rújiā. Differing with Mencius, Xunzi concluded that human nature was not good to start, but needed to be guided by education and nourished by the rites of li.[303][304][305] About Zichan, Xunzi wrote; "Zichan was a person who won over the people, but he never went as far as making government work."[306] In discussing the life of Confucius, Xunzi mentioned an official act of Zichan that contributed to a precedent Confucius chose to follow.[307]
In the first few days of his acting as prime minister of Lu, Confucius ordered the execution of a well-known man. His followers questioned him. In affirming his decision, Confucius gave five reason that justified putting a person to death (e.g., his "speaking falsely and arguing well" or his doing "what is wrong and making it seem smooth"). Confucius had a short lists of historical examples (given in the Xunzi) of such justified executions, included as the sixth and last: "Zichan executed Deng Xi".[308]
Han Feizi
[edit]Once a disciple of Xunzi, Han Feizi (c.280-233) later became a premier legalist. A difficult life he led ending in tragedy. Of the nobility of Han state,[309] his gift in political matters was recognized despite his stutter. But the corrupt Duke of Han paid him no mind. Han Fei migrated to Qin state, whose ruler Qin Shi Huang greatly admired his writing. However a classmate of his youth also now in Qin, the legalist Li Si,[310] poisoned his fortunes by claiming he was in effect a spy of Han.[311][312]
Zichan appears in the writings of Han Fei many times.
Deng Xi in the Liezi
[edit]The Liezi text
[edit]![](http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/8/88/Album_of_18_Daoist_Paintings_-_7.jpg/220px-Album_of_18_Daoist_Paintings_-_7.jpg)
Obscure in origin the Liezi became widely admired, a book of "stories and philosophical musings" collected over several centuries.[314][315][316] A "considerable secondary literature" resulted from its authenticity being challenged. During the Tang dynasty the Liezi become third of three Taoist classics, after the Tao Te Ching and the Zhuangzi.[317][318] Its nominal author Lie Yukou (fl. 400 BCE) was "a real or imaginary hero of Chuang-tzu's anecdotes". He reportedly also hailed from the state of Zheng.[319][320][321]
In context of the early Taoism of Zhuang Zhou, "Lieh Tzu could ride upon the wind... and return in fifteen days."[322][323] The notion of a mystic gnosis by the Taoist perfect man is presented in "the famous mystic Lieh-tzu, [yet] treated by Chiang-tzu somewhat suspiciously as a man inclined to use his spiritual power to display himself and to control the world through his charismatic magic."[324]
The Liezi gives two stories about Deng Xi's rivalry with Zichan.[325] Both occur in the state of Zheng, and appear to illustrate life principles.
Rivalry and fate
[edit]From chapter six, "Endeavor and Destiny", this episode first addresses the rivalry in Zheng between Zichan and Deng Xi (called here Teng Hsi). Its second half discusses how to manage life and death, suffering and change.
Graham's translation differs in detail from Wong's version.[326] Of the rivalry, telescoped renderings are given here, first Graham's, then Wong's.
Deng Xi liked to argue what was ambiguous. He wrote a code of laws, yet he attacked the chief minister, Zichan. The state adopted the laws, Zichan accepted the criticism, then suddenly had Deng Xi executed. "They could not have acted otherwise."[327]
Deng Xi liked to find fault, to stir up conflict among his colleagues in the government. Zichan ruled Zheng and to control crime enacted stricter laws. All were agreeable except Deng Xi. He attacked Zichan and his laws, so that officials split into two hostile camps. Without warning, Zichan had Deng Xi executed. "Things could not have happened otherwise... given the natural dispositions of the two men."[328]
The modern consensus for dating events in ancient China seems to place Zichan's death in 522, and to place Deng Xi's execution in 501, twenty-one years later.[329][330] Yet the Liezi makes a telling exemplar of their rivalry, which ends in the sudden execution.[331][332] The Lushi Chunqiu states:
When Prince Chan governed Zheng, Deng Xi strove to disrupt things. . . . Thus, wrong was taken to be right, and right was taken to be wrong. With no standard of what was right and wrong, what was permissible and impermissible varied each day. . . . The state of Zheng fell into complete chaos, and the populace clamored. Prince Chan, troubled by this turn of events, had Deng Xi executed.[333]
"C'est vrai, mais c'est bien le caractère unique de l'exécution de Deng Xi".[334]
Hedonistic brothers
[edit]The next episode is from chapter seven, entitled "Yang Chu", a chapter considered markedly different than the rest of the Liezi.[335] Yang Zhu (c.440-360) founded the philosophical school of Yangism,[336] which flourished for a time during the Warring States period. Contra Confucius who focused on social norms and community service, Yang Chu favored cultivation of the individual. Such inner personal development was coherent with Taoism. Although Yang Chu did not teach hedonism, nor does Taoism,[337][338] 'his' Liezi chapter clearly adopts a hedonism.[339][340] Elsewhere in the Liezi, however, hedonism is explicitly criticized.[341][342] In this episode also, the attack on Zichan seems a strike at Confucius.[343][344]
Zichan's success as Zheng minister led him to ponder his two wayward brothers, each a mark of failure in his family. He confided his unease with Deng Xi, who encouraged him to 'put things straight'.
His elder brother Chao was a drunk, with his own rice-beer brewery; his constant intoxication was wrecking his health and fortune. Younger brother Mu, a libertine, kept many young beautiful women; obsessed with his sex life, he was careless of all else.
Zichan met with them. Reason and foresight, morals and reputation are more important to the good life, he said, than feelings of the moment. If so, he'd offer them responsible, well-rewarded positions.
Mocking him, his brothers said they'd chosen to follow the true path of their human desires. Better, they said, than his way of pandering to the world and doing violence to his natural self. Pleasure and happiness beat reputation and a disagreeable life. If all followed nature, no need for government.
Zichan told Deng Xi later. Chao and Mu are the true sages of your family, Deng Xi replied; and the welfare of Zheng was not in fact Zichan's doing, but luck.[345][346][347]
Bibliography
[edit]Ancient
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- 5: The Mengzi,[371][372] the Xunzi,[373][374][375] the Han Feizi,[376][377] (Warring States[378] philosophy); Sunzi (earlier military tract);[379][380] and, *Zichan (bamboo text, newly discovered).[381]
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- Lewis, Mark Edward, Writing and Authority in early China, (State University of New York 1999).
- Lewis, Mark Edward, Honor and Shame in early China (Cambridge University 2021).
- Li Feng, Early China. A social and cultural history (Cambridge University 2013).
- Li Jun, Chinese civilization in the making, 1766-221 (New York: St. Martin's 1996).
- Lu Xing, Rhetoric in Ancient China (University of South Carolina 1998).
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- Poo Mu-chou, In Search of Personal Welfare. A view of ancient Chinese religion (SUNY 1998).
- Rubin, Vitaly A., Ideologiia i kul'tura drevnego kitaia (Moscow 1970); Individual & State in Ancient China (NY: Columbia University 1976).
- Schwartz, Benjamin I., The World of Thought in Ancient China (Harvard University 1985).
- Su Li, The Constitution of Ancient China (Princeton University 2018).
- Sun Zhenbin, Language, Discourse, and Praxis in Ancient China * (Springer 2015).
- Waley, Arthur, The Nine Songs (London: George Allen & Unwin 1955; reprint: City Lights, San Francisco 1973).
- Waley, Arthur, Three Ways of Thought in Ancient China (London 1939, reprint Stanford 1982).
- Walker, Robert Louis, The Multi-state System of Ancient China. (Hamden: Shoestring 1953; Greenwood 1971).
- Wang Haicheng, Writing and the Ancient State. Early China in comparative perspective (Cambridge University 2014).
- Welch, Holmes, Taoism. The parting of the way (Boston: Beacon 1957, 1965).
- Wieger, Leon, Histoire des Croyances religieuses et des opinions philosophiques en Chine (Xian 1917, Shanghai 1922), tr. as A History of Religious Beliefs... (Peking 1927, reprint Paragon 1969).
- Zhang Jinfan, The tradition and modern transition of Chinese Law (Heidelberg: Springer 1997, 2d 2005, 3d 2008).
- Zhao Dingxin, The Confucian-Legalist State. A new theory of Chinese history (Oxford U. 2015).
- Cheng K'o-tang, Tzu-ch'an p'ing chuan (Shanghai 1941).
- Jen Fangqiu, Zichan (Zhengzhou 1987).
Articles
[edit]- Creel, H. G., "Legal institutions & procedures during the Chou dynasty", in Cohen, Edwards, Chen (ed), Essays on China's Legal Tradition (1980).
- Dull, Jack L., "The deep roots of resistance to Law Codes and Lawyers in China", in Turner, et el. (eds.), The limits of the rule of law in China (2000).
- Eichler, E. R., "The Life of Tsze-ch'an," in China Review (1886), vol. XV: pp. 12–23 & 65-78.[388]
- Fraser, Chris, "School of Names": Deng Xi (2015), in Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Archive.
- Lewis, Mark Edward, "The City-State in Spring and Autumn China", in Hansen (ed.), A Comparative study of thirty City-State cultures (Copenhagen 2000).
- Martin, François, "Le cas de Zichan", in Gernet & Kalinowski, En Suivant la Voie Royale (1997).[389]
- Puett, Michael, "Ghosts, Gods, & Coming Apocalypse," in Scheidel (ed.), State Power in Ancient China & Rome (Oxford University 2015).
- Pulleyblank, Edwin G., "Ji and Jiang: The role of exogamic clans in the organization of Zhou polity", in Early China (2000), v.25: pp. 1-27.
- Rubin, V. A., "Tzu-Ch'an and the city-state of ancient China" in T'oung Pao, v.52: pp. 8-34 (1965).
- Theobald, Ulrich, "Zichan" (2010), at ChinaKnowledge website, accessed 2022-07-27.
- Theobald, Ulrich, "Regional State of Zheng" (2000), at ChinaKnowledge, accessed 2023-06-16.
- Turner, Karen, "Sage kings and laws in the Chinese and Greek traditions," in Ropp (ed.), Heritage of China (University of California 1990).
- Wang Hui, "The mixed Han-Tang-Song structure and its moral ideal" in Su Li, The Constitution of ancient China (2018).
- Yang, C. K., "Introduction" (1964) to Weber, Religion of China ([1916]; NY: Macmillan 1951, 1964).
- Cook & Major (C&M), editors, Defining Chu. Image and reality in ancient China (University of Hawai'i 1999).[390][391][392][393][394][395]
- Goldin, Paul R., editor, Routledge Handbook of early Chinese history (2020).[396][397][398][399][400][401]
- Loewe & Shaughnessy (L&S), editors, The Cambridge History of Ancient China (1999).[402][403][404][405][406]
- Pines, Kern & Luraghi, editors, Zuozhuan and early Chinese historiography (Leiden: Brill 2024).
- Loewe, Michael, editor, Early Chinese Texts. A bibliographical guide (SSEC & IEAS/U.Calif. 1993).
References
[edit]- ^ In the Lŭchi Chunqiu (2000), p.818, Zichan is translated "Prince Chan".
- ^ See "Career profile" subsection "Path as official" as to his year of birth.
- ^ Kung-sun ch'iao [Wade-Giles]: Watson, Tso Chuan (1989) p.223.
- ^ Li Feng (2013), pp. 160-161: the fall of Western Zhou. Eastern Zhou divides into the Chunqiu and the Zhanguo periods (xx, 182).
- ^ Creel (1974), p.7: in the 771 defeat by rivals and barbarians, both the Zhou King and the Zheng Duke were killed.
- ^ Zhang (2014), p.156: in the initial Zhou hierarchy "the imperial and the clan power were integrated." From social rankings, one can infer that "the clan power was the backbone of imperial power."
- ^ Hsu (1965), p.3. Zhou's local rulers were kin as well as 'enfeoffed' allies, both were addressed as family.
- ^ Li Jun (1996): the fengjian system, pp. 67, 71-84; it desolves during the Eastern Zhou, pp. 103-108, 148.
- ^ Goldin: Shen (2020), fengjian ranks: nobility Gong, aristocracy Dafu & Shi (116-118). In 770 the new Duke of Zheng helped the new Zhou King move east (p.119).
- ^ Creel (1974), p.25: "For a time, after the Chou Kings moved east, the rulers of Cheng controlled the royal government".
- ^ Goldin: Shen (2018), p.126. Zheng's new capital: Xinzheng (late Chunqiu); estimated area (by excavation averages) 16 sq.km., a population over 100,000.
- ^ Lewis (2000), p.362, 370, differs (per Chunqiu). Large city-states: 9 sq.km., population (inferred) in the 10,000s; small: 4 sq.km., 1,000s. Public buildings of wood, single story, built on tamped-earth.
- ^ Falkenhausen (2006), p.133: speculated population of Jin state, contemporaneous to Zheng, perhaps 12,000 to 20,000.
- ^ Li Jun (1996), pp. 116-120.
- ^ Zheng lands were between the weak Western Zhou King, and Song state, a feudatory remnant of the defeated Shang.
- ^ L&S: Hsu (1999), pp. 550-552: Zheng state history. "Zheng Zhuang Gong was the first to obtain the status of leader of the interstate community" in the north (p.552, quote).
- ^ Li Feng (2013), 162-163: for a time "Zheng was politically and militarily the most active state in all of China." After 715 Zheng allied with Qi and Lu. Yet it's power waned for reasons internal and external.
- ^ Goldin: Shen (20118), p.139, between 604 and 547, Chu invaded Zheng nine times, and Jin attacked Zheng twelve times.
- ^ Li Jun (1996), pp. 104, & 105 (quote, per clans of Zheng).
- ^ Theobald (2010), "Zheng": founding, move east, strategic location for trade and war; early hegemony; Zichan chief minister; annexed by Han state in 375.
- ^ Goldin: Shen (2018), of Zheng state: whose first lords were the "mightiest figures", later "one of the most powerful" of the era's early states (p.119). Tombs of Zheng lords excavated 1923 (p.119). Marketplace of Zheng (p.130).
- ^ Creel (1974): Early Zheng rulers played "a leading role in the royal government" (p.7), Zheng's military victories in 707 and 673 (p.8), its powerful neighbors Jin and Chu (p.9), "The most famous man" of Zheng was Zichan (Tzu-ch'an) (p.10).
- ^ L&S: Lewis (1999), p.596: Hann state, one of three states partitioned from Jin state in 403, occupies Zheng in 375.
- ^ Pulleyblank (2000), p.7: the Zhou King had delegated as local rulers mostly "members of the royal Ji clan" to defend the Zhou patrimony.
- ^ Theobald (2010), "Zichan": Duke Mu (Zheng Mugong), reference to Duke Cheng (r.584-571), to Zichan's clan, and his names.
- ^ Pines (2002) p.313, lists Gongsun Qiao in "Chunqiu Personalities", his cognomens: Zi Chan and Zi Mei.
- ^ Kaizuka ([1951]; 1956, 2002): Zichan's family descended from Duke Mu, but his clan was "comparatively weak" among the seven houses of Zheng. Zichan, however, was "the son of a noble, and born into a family sufficiently illustrious to qualify him for high office" (p.89 quote; see pp. 75, 93-94).
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (2020), Xiang 8.3, p.203. The modern editors here comment (p.202): "Zichan appears as a precocious child, much to the dismay of his elders, a common trope in early Chinese literature."
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983), Duke Seang VIII ¶3, p.435. His father addresses him as "a boy like you".
- ^ Han Feizi (1939), v.2, p.84. Advice of his father: not to alienate other ministers.
- ^ Rubin (1965), p.15: here Zichan shown as skeptical of war.
- ^ Eichler (1886), p.13: His father Kung-tsze Fah (also called Kung-tsze Kwoh), as Zheng's minister of war, was celebrated for the raid on [Cai], except for criticism by his son Tsze-ch'an [Zichan]. Han Fei cited. Zichan, however, was made a "high dignitary at the early age of nineteen" (p.14, quote).
- ^ Theobald (2010), "Zichan": Zheng victory; death of his father Gongzi Fa.
- ^ Rubin (1965), pp. 11-12. His father Tzu-kuo [Ziguo] killed in 562.
- ^ Theobald (2000), "Zheng": "Zichan was a very competent person and was known for his kindheartedness, which helped him to survive the [violent politics] of the princes of Zheng."
- ^ Rubin (1965), p.12, estimates Zichan's birth year from 583 to 579, citing Chinese authors and Zuo Zhuan.
- ^ Eichler (1886), pp. 12 & 14, gives 581 as Zichan's birth year.
- ^ See above section, "Family of Zichan".
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (2020 Durrant), "Introduction" pp. 1-18. Chinese sources give its likely author as Zuo Qiuming, an "obscure associate of Confucius" (p.1). The Zoo Zhuan has a "complex textual history" (p.14).
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (1872, 1983 Legge), pp. 22-35: discussion of Tso-K'ëw Ming, the traditionally recognized author of the foremost 'commentary'.
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983), Duke Seang X ¶8, p.448 (quotes). The rebels had "led a band of ruffians into the palace" where they killed the three ministers, a fourth Zikong got away (pp. 447-448).
- ^ Maspero (1978), p.82: Zichan set out with 17 chariots, "in all some eighteen hundred men".
- ^ Zhao (2015), p.153,n.45: the 562 rebellion as relative to the interstate context of military conflict.
- ^ Rubin (1965), pp. 9-11 (Zheng government, rulers), 11-12 ("armed insurgents", father dies), 12-14 (the people of Zheng).
- ^ Eichler (1886), p.14: Zichan "showed great presence of mind".
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (2020), Xiang 10.9 (563), p.203.
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983 Legge), Duke Seang X ¶8, p.448. Zikong burns his document.
- ^ Theobald (2000) "Zheng", re Zikong: [Zisi hypocrisy]; burnt document.
- ^ Zuo Zhuan, Duke Seang XIX ¶12, pp. 483-484 (Zikong killed by two nobles, Zichan to high minister).
- ^ Rubin (1965), pp. 12-13 (Zikong burns his document), 13-14 (Zichan's persuasion), 14 (Zikong killed, Chu; Zichan third of triumvirate).
- ^ Eichler (1886), p.14: Zikong: [Zisi hypocrisy]. By his document Zikong's autocratic rule would have replaced the oligarchy of nobles. Zichan in 553 a high minister (shao ching).
- ^ Li Feng (2011), p.198. Standing army of Jin state is calculated at 37,500 soldiers during 6th century BCE.
- ^ Rubin (1965), pp. 14-15: coalition politics; [Jin romanized as Chin].
- ^ Kaizuka ([1951], 2002), p.78. In 6th century BCE, a northern league of Jin [Tsin], and southern league of Chu [Ts'oo] struggled for supremacy. Zichan negotiated between the demands of each.
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983 Legge), Duke Seang XXIV ¶1, p.507: Zichan's 548 letter to Jin. Duke Seang XXII ¶2, pp. 494-495: earlier 550 letter to Jin. The Jin minister agreed and reduced the requirements (p.507).
- ^ Eichler (1886, pp. 14-15: Zichan's two letters to Jin.
- ^ Hsu (1965), p.61. Family loyalties between enfeoffed royal kinsmen prevailed during the fengjian system of the early Zhou dynasty, sustained by repeated intermarriages (p.53). Yet the "solidarity of nobility among the states gradually broke down in the Ch'un Ch'iu" (p.77).
- ^ Zhao (2015), 159: at the interstate meeting of 529 organized by Jin.
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983), Duke Seang XXIV ¶9, p.508. Chu and Chen against Zheng.
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983 Legge), Duke Seang XXV ¶4, p.515: Zheng invades Chen, yet withdraws without looting; by custom victors very harsh. A Chinese commentator noted that during the Chunqiu era, "there is none where the hostilities were conducted so courteously as by Tsze-chen and Tsze-ch'an [Zichan]".
- ^ Rubin (1965), pp. 15-16. Zichan could not prevent this war, but strove to "terminate the existing enmity".
- ^ Hsu (1965), p.61: Zheng defeats Chen state in 548, yet the defeated people were "treated mercifully".
- ^ Maspero (1978), p.100: "prisoners were sacrificed on return from military expeditions." It was "more or less customary" after war.
- ^ Cf., Li Jun (1996), p.106.
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983), Duke Seang XXV ¶9, pp. 516, 517.
- ^ Pines (2002), p.112. Zichan defends Zheng to Jin.
- ^ Eichler (1886), p.15. Zichan's able defense by historical analogies when quizzed three times by Jin officials.
- ^ Liu (1998). Unwritten rulings of a zu [clan]: pp. 12 ("the customary law of a particular zu was applicable only to its own zu members""), 15 (in Eastern Zhou a zu was a people of "the same consanguineous tie [often with their own] walled towns [and] customary law"), 14 (later "the zu disintegrated and individual families became the basic unit").
- ^ Lewis (1999), pp. 18-28. Zhou-era local traditions (based on clan usage and embedded in the rituals of ancestors) might well be the source for the formulas Zichan used to settle the feud.
- ^ Zhang (1997, 3d ed. 2008), pp. 187-188 (the patriarchal clan and lineage system was integral to the feudal autocracy, so that clan regulations directly influenced the everyday norms).
- ^ Kaizuka ([1951]; 2002), p.80: jurisdiction of each autonomous clan. "There existed only ad hoc settlements for solving a dispute involving two or more clans, and there was no determined written law."
- ^ Ch'ü (1961), pp. 15, 20. Chinese kinship is patrilineal, the father's lineage being known as tsu [zu].
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983 Legge), Duke Seang XXIX ¶8, p.550 & ¶10, p.551; Duke Seang XXX ¶1, pp. 555-556 & ¶7, p.557-558 & ¶9, p.558.
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (2020 Durrant), Xiang 30.10 (543), pp. 204-205.
- ^ Rubin (1965), p.16.
- ^ Eichler (1886), pp. 17-18.
- ^ Rubin (1965), pp. 14, 16. The people came to favor Zichan.
- ^ Walker (1953, 1971), p.66, citing the Shiji and the Zuo Zhuan (p.128,n31)
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (2020 Durrant), Xiang 30.13 (543), pp. 206. "'It will be impossible to govern well.' 'With me leading them to abide by your commands, who will dare go against you?' ... Zichan took charge."
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983 Legge), Duke Seang XXX ¶9, p.558.
- ^ Eichler (1886), p.18.
- ^ Rubin (1965), pp. 16-17.
- ^ Names of "teachers and aides of the famous prime minister of the state of Zheng, Zichan" were written on bamboo in texts recently discovered. Pines, Zhou History Unearthed (2022), p.263, n.82 (re p.90).
- ^ Zichan was abreast of the nascent attitude about Heaven, that appropriate behavior should conform to moral norms, rather than to unknowable mysteries. Kaizuka (2002), pp. 81-85.
- ^ Source references for these issues are found in the subsections to follow.
- ^ His father Sima Tan (Ssu-ma T'an) started the grand project of writing China's history, that Sima Qian (Ssu-ma Ch'ien) completed. Sima Tan deserves to share the credit accordingly. Nienhauser (2006), vol. V.1, p.xviii-xix.
- ^ 'Zichan' per the Wade-Giles romanization.
- ^ Sima Qian, Shiji (1961 Watson), v.II, p.415 (quote).
- ^ Sima Qian, Shiji (2016 Nienhauser), vol. X, pp. 233-234 (quote), from Memoir 59 [Chapter 119], "The officials who follow reason".
- ^ Somewhat similarly described by Sima Qian was Confucius, when appointed chancellor of Lu by its ruler Ting (Duke Ding). Shiji (1979 Yang), p.8; Shiji (1931 Wilhelm), p.23.
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (2020), p.207 Xiang 30.13 (543 BCE).
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983), Duke Seang XXXI ¶9, p.558.
- ^ L&S:Hsu (1999), pp. 553-556: Duke Huang of Qi, and Guan Zhong.
- ^ Pines (2002) re Qi state, pp. 107, 109-110, 125-127 at 125 (quote). A hegemon: "Ba" (p.107).
- ^ Lewis (2000), p.369.
- ^ Li Feng (2018), p.187.
- ^ Ping-ti Ho, The Cradle of the East (The Chinese University of Hong Kong, The University of Chicago 1975), p.44: "field agriculture occurred in the Neolithic nuclear area of North China independently of Mesopotamia" and hence of Egypt and of India.
- ^ Rubin (1965), pp. 17-18, 20-21, Zichan's agrarian and related reforms.
- ^ Li Jun (1996), 127-128, Zichan per agricultural lands.
- ^ Goldin: Sterckx (2018), pp. 302-303. Most ancient literature on the agriculture of ancient China is "managerially oriented", addressed to "officials and administrators".
- ^ Shijing (Waley 1937, 1960), pp. 130-132, #135, King Ye's command to the Lord of Shao sent south to acquire new lands [c.770s BCE]: "'You are to make fields on every side; You are to tithe my lands.' Then without delay, without haste The king's domains were marked out, They were divided and duly ordered All the way to the southern seas" (quote p.131). Cf. Waley pp. 158-172: ten poems on Zhou-era agriculture.
- ^ Creel (1970), p.157: Creel, discussing Zhou rule, quotes from Karlgren's 1950 translation of the Shih-Ching, p. 234, whose second line here (instead of Waley's 'tithe') is 'Tax my territories and soil'.
- ^ Shijing (Jennings 1891), pp. 334-335. Cf. "An Admonition addressed in the Spring to the Officers who presided over Agriculture"', p. 351.
- ^ Falkenhausen (2006), pp. 409-411: farming tech, iron; productivity gains led to a rise in living standards and an increased population.
- ^ Li Jun (1996). Iron plow and oxen (p.114). Population of Chun Qui period estimated at 2.5 million (p.119), that at end of Zhan Guo, 25 million (p.120). Rapid increase in material wealth due to improvements in agriculture and technology (p.120).
- ^ Goldin: Sterckx (2018), pp. 307-398. Iron production more efficient by early Warring States period, rather than costly Bronze, for farming implements; crop yields also improved by irrigation, better seedlings, double cropping, fertilizers, pest control.
- ^ Wang (2014), pp. 191-193: ditches and boundaries.
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983), Bk IX Duke Seang, Yr XXX ¶9, p.558 (quote).
- ^ L&S: Lewis (1999), p.370, Zichan: irrigation and taxes.
- ^ Mencius (1895, 1970), III,1: III,13-20; pp. 243-245.
- ^ Mengzi (2008), 3A 3.13-20; pp. 67-68.
- ^ L&S: Hsu (1999), p.576. Called jing [ching], after the character for well "#", for the nine plots of land.
- ^ Li Jun (1996), well-field (jing tian) hypothesis questioned (pp. 88-91); ougeng method of pair field work (pp. 114, 122, 130).
- ^ Li Feng (2013), pp. 189-190. Concluding, the "well-field" system was probably a Confucian ideal about Western Zhou.
- ^ Liu (1998), pp. 48-49: the jingtian (well-field); pp. 24-28, 50-54: the rise and fall of the lineages (zu).
- ^ Wang (2014): Zhou lineages and armed land seizures, pp. 188-193; the "well-field" and the mu land measurement, 193-195.
- ^ Li Jun (1996), p.127 (quote). Before Zichan's reform "there was no strict division of land" (p.128). No evidence that "a well-field system ever existed in Zheng" (p.128).
- ^ Walker (1953, 1971), p.67.
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (1872 Legge, 1983), IX: XXX ¶9, p.558.
- ^ Rubin (1965), p.21,n2, fields of the clans.
- ^ Li Jun (1996), p. 128: "land still under the actual control of the sublineage communities" in Zichan's day.
- ^ Rubin (1965), pp. 12-13, the clan rebellion of 562.
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983), Duke Seang, X ¶8, p.448. The clan leaders whose 562 rebellion cost the life of Zichan's father were aggrieved in part because of their loss of farmland due to the government's "laying out the ditches through the fields" (p.447).
- ^ Li Jun (1996), p.112: land reform in Zheng circa 563, "laying out the ditches through the fields" results in killing of Zi Si by clans.
- ^ Kaizuka ([1951], 2002), p.80: Zichan needed revenue for tribute payments and defense.
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983 Legge), X Duke Ch'aou, IV ¶7, p.598 (quotes). "Moreover, I have heard that when a good-doer does not change his measures, he can [count] on success."
- ^ Eichler (1886), pp. 22. Han Fei is quoted at p.23, praising Zichan.
- ^ Li Jun (1996), pp. 122-129. The Zhou dynasty, for use of their lands, at first received tribute payments from the vassal states. In turn (citing the Zhou Zhuan) the states collected payments in kind from those who cultivated the lands together (ji). For Spring and Autumn era, Li Jun analyzed the land tax in three city-state jurisdictions: Jin (122-125); Lu (125-127; and Zheng (127-128).
- ^ Wittfogel, according to Eberhard (1952), viewed land use in China as passing from primitive agricultural communism to a second stage "village communism" per the ching-t'ien ("well-field" system discussed above) until 250 BCE. Eberhard disagreed (pp. 21-22).
- ^ Goldin: Sterckx (2018), pp. 301, 310-312, quote p.312. A centuries-long major transition: of land, farm labor, agency, ownership. During Eastern Zhou, a rising population made the land more valuable than its tenant farmers (p.311).
- ^ Cf., Li Feng (2013), 189-194. Fierce intra-state fighting between clans, generations-long, weakened the lineage's power and hold on the land (pp. 170-173).
- ^ L&S: Hsu (1999), pp. 576-578. Monetization of the Warring States economy replaced barter and facilitated land exchange between individual ownerships (p.582).
- ^ Liu (1998), p.50: "From the late Western Zhou onwards... individual families began to emerge as the basic unit of society".
- ^ Wang (2014), p.224 (quotes): Land taxation evolved from often treating "each village as a single tax unit". "Resource extraction" for the military eventually caused states to cut out "intermediaries" and make "the individual household the taxpaying unit". Cadasters and mapping farm land, pp. 193-207. Wang skips over the Spring and Autumn period, p.199.
- ^ The Simafa (4th c. BCE) states "One chariot carries three mailed officers; seventy-two foot troops accompany it. ... Seventy-five men to one light chariot." Quoted as commentary to Sunzi (Griffith 1963) II:1, p.72, re text "fast four-horse chariots".
- ^ Shaughnessy, Writing Early China (2023), p.370n31, in discussing translation of an ancient manuscript, mentions "the standard understanding of chariotry as combining ten foot-soldiers per chariot".
- ^ Gernet (1968), pp. 97-98. Jin state created its infantry in 540, though "noblemen habitually fought in chariots and did not easily accept the humble role" taken also by the soldier-peasant (p.98 quote).
- ^ Goldin: Tse (2018), pp. 323-325, "infantry became the mainstay of forces" (p.324 quote), did the fighting during Warring States (475-221).
- ^ Li Jun (1996), pp. 84-91: agriculture and military.
- ^ Kaizuka ([1951], 2002), p.80.
- ^ Eberhard (1952), p.12.
- ^ L&S: Hsu (1999), p.554: "civil and military functions were united" under the Qi minister Guan Zhong (c.730-645).
- ^ Lewis (1990), p.59 (quote). Qi state military and land tax, pp. 56-57; Jin state, pp. 57-58.
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983), IX Duke Seang XXX, ¶9 (p.558); X Duke Ch'aou IV, ¶7 (p.598).
- ^ Lüshi Chunqiu (2000), 16/5.3, B (pp. 389-390).
- ^ Lewis (1990), pp. 58-59 (Jin and Lu), p.59 (recruitment quote, privileged quote). The "five-man squad was the basic unit of military organization" (p.59).
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983 Legge), IX Duke Seang XXX, ¶9 (p.558): the rural households of five were "responsible for one another"; VIII Duke Ch'ing I, ¶4 (p.337): K'ëw [qiu] "is a territorial designation".
- ^ L&S: Hsu (1999), p.554: units of five re Qi state's organization of military and agriculture.
- ^ Liu (1998), pp. 50-53.
- ^ Timoteus Pokora, "China," in The Early State (The Hague: Mouton 1978), edited by Claessen and Skalnik, p.206.
- ^ Ch'u (1961), p.170. Ch'u then quotes Henry Maine's Ancient Law (11th ed, 1887), pp. 11-12.
- ^ Li Jun (1996), pp. 102-120.
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.3, p.1403 (year 536), Lord Zhao 6.3a. Zheng leaders "cast a penal code in bronze".
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983 Legge), VI Duke Ch'aou ¶2, p.609.
- ^ Li Feng (2013), p. 174-175.
- ^ Hsu (1965), pp. 14, 20-23.
- ^ Creel (1980), pp. 34-38.
- ^ Cf., Bodde and Morris (1967), pp. 11-17: discussion of early laws and Chinese theories of legal origins.
- ^ Creel (1980), p.36: Zichan & laws of Zheng; p.37: Confucius contra.
- ^ Lewis (2021), pp. 25-26 re Zichan, and Confucius in the Zuo Zhuang.
- ^ Zhao (2015), pp. 164-165.
- ^ Liu (1998), pp. 20-21: Zichan.
- ^ Li Jun (1996), p.105: Zichan.
- ^ Bodde and Morris (1967) pp. 14-16: Zichan (Tzu-ch'an).
- ^ Ch'u (1961), p.170: "Not until the sixth century B.C. were laws of the various states revealed to the general public."
- ^ Zhao (2015), p.164 (quotes: Zheng and Zichan).
- ^ Walker (1953, 1971), quote at p.69.
- ^ Kaizuka ([1951], 1956, 2002), p.106.
- ^ Lunyu (1971 Legge), p.278 XIV:X.
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (1989 Watson), pp. 160-161.
- ^ Kaizuka ([1951], 2002) pp. 79-80. Each clan ran its own legal affairs. Disputes between clans were decided ad hoc (case by case). This allowance to "clan autonomy" by the state was "idealized by later Confucian scholars [as] 'rule by virtue'" (p.80).
- ^ Zuo Zhuang (2020), p.178 [Zhao 6.3], e.g., letter from Shuxiang, an official of the state of Jin.
- ^ Cf., Fung (1937, 2d ed 1952, 1983), p.314: Confucius also attacked such notions of publishing laws.
- ^ Schwartz (1985), pp. 323-330.
- ^ See here below section "Deng Xi in the Liezi".
- ^ "School of Names", at Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Annex, accessed 2022.12.12. The Mingjia was "notorious for logic-chopping". Although Deng Xi "established a link between disputation and litigation", it led to an anciently acceptable conclusion "that litigators disrupt social order and should be banned" (3.Deng Xi ¶1).
- ^ Lu (1998), 128, 130-135: "Deng Xi made every effort to counter the suppression of ideas and opinions imposed by the rulers of Zhen." Lu relies on the Lu Shi Chun Qiu 18.303 (p.132). Yet here it was Zichan's authority that Deng Xi fought against (p.131).
- ^ Creel (1980) p.41, where the author, on city politics of Zheng re Zichan and Deng Xi (WG Teng Hsi), quotes from the Lu Shi Chun Qiu:
When Tsu-ch'an governed the state of Cheng, Teng Hsi worked to make difficulties for him. He contracted with those involved in legal proceedings... . [Many people] gave him presents and studied lawsuits... . They held wrong to be right and right to be wrong, so that... the proper and improper changed every day. ... The state of Cheng was thrown into great confusion and the people clamored and wrangled. Tsu-ch'an was distressed by this, and put Teng Hsi to death and exposed his corpse. The people's hearts were then quieted, right and wrong were established, and law prevailed.
- ^ Lüshi Chunqiu (2000), pp. 454-455 [Bk.18, Ch.4.4].
- ^ The Xunzi (2014) harshly criticized Deng Xi, accusing him of using reason "to deceive and confuse the masses" (p.41 [6:48-50]), and of disregard for true right and wrong "in order to degrade and humiliate others" (pp.55-56 [8:118-120]). Hutton the translator refers to the Mingjia as "sophists" (p.204,n24).
- ^ Zuo Zhuang (2020), p.180, at Ding 9.1 of year 501 BCE: the Zheng ruler Si Chuan put Deng Xi to death. Zichan, however, died in 522 (21 years before Deng Xi), p.202.
- ^ Chris Fraser, "Deng Xi's Exploits" (2015), Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Archive. Accessed 2024.08.06. Si Chuan ordered execution in 501.
- ^ Sun Zhenbin (2015). Deng Xi was executed by Zheng's ruler (p.16) in 501 BC (p.14).
- ^ Creel (1980), p.41. Ssu Ch'uan put to death Tent Hsi in 501, per the Zuo Zhuang.
- ^ The Xunzi (2014), p.319 [28:42-43], without stating a date, narrates that "Zichan executed Deng Xi". This statement's context is discussed below in the section "Xunzi.
- ^ Lüshi Chunqiu (2000), p.454 [Bk.18, Ch.4]. Zichan.
- ^ The Book of Lieh-Tzu (1960), p.127 [Liezi]. Zichan.
- ^ Maspero (1978), p.324. Tzu-ch'an "put him to death at the end of the sixth century".
- ^ Martin (1997), pp. 82-83.
- ^ Sun Zhenbin (2015), p.16 (quote).
- ^ See here below at section "Deng Xi in the Leizi", subsection "Rivalry and fate".
- ^ Zuo Zhuan p.732.
- ^ Creel (1980), p.37.
- ^ Zuo Zhuang (2020), pp. 177-178 & 179 [Zhao 6.3].
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983), Bk. X Duke Ch'aou, Yr. VI ¶2, pp. 609-610.
- ^ "I have not the talents nor the ability to act for posterity; my object is to save the present age". Legge's 1872 translation in E. D. Thomas, Chinese Political Thought (New York: Prentice-Hall 1927), p.229.
- ^ Zhao (2015), pp. 164-165.
- ^ Fung (2d 1983), pp. 313-314: Zichan's reply.
- ^ Cf., Sun Zhenbin (2015), p.16, note 43: Deng Xi "aggravated the conflict between li and law."
- ^ Some issues re the Fajia are addressed in Philosophy section.
- ^ Ming T'ai-su of the Ming dynasty (1368-1644), "instituted a program of disseminating knowledge of the law for the guidance of the people". Ichisada Miyasaki (1980), p.59 (quote), in Cohen, Edwards, Chen, eds., Essays on China's legal traditions (Princeton University).
- ^ Walker (1953, 1971), p.128 (laws published).
- ^ Liu (1998), a source as customary laws of the zu (clans), e.g., pp. 22, 27, 44 ("many customary laws were unwritten"), 54 ("One may conclude that that Chinese law originated from the usages and customary laws practiced by the different zu); 132 ("Many members... devoted their first loyalty to their own zu. The zu heads enjoyed undisputed authority within their own zu).
- ^ Li Feng (2013), pp.174-176: decline of "traditional lineage-based legal system" (p.175).
- ^ Kaizuka (1951, 2002), pp.79-80 (jurisdiction when violations occur between members of different clans).
- ^ Lewis (1990), pp. 42-50: blood covenants. In 562 Zheng is invaded by a coalition of states, which then all "in this covenant agree not to hoard grain, not to monopolize profit, not to protect conspirators, not to harbor criminals... " (p.47).
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.2, p.989, Lord Xiang 11 (562 BCE), 11.3(4,5).
- ^ Kaizuka (1951,2002), p.80: the resolution of a dispute would be enforced according to "a contract witnessed by the blood of the nobles of each party."
- ^ Liu (1998), p.22: The meng or covenant mitigated "the conflicts between different states" and eased "frictions between the different zu within the same state." Cf., pp. 44-45, 167-168.
- ^ Creel (1980). pp. 34-37.
- ^ Zhang ([1997], 3d ed 2008), p.25 (quote).
- ^ Kaizuka (1951, 2002), p.81 (quote re Zichan).
- ^ Lewis (1990), p.64: lineage power lost in era of legalist reforms.
- ^ See discussion in this section "The laws of 536 BCE".
- ^ Liu (1998), pp. 310-311 (quote). Fajing created c. 400 (p.20) by Li Kui (pp.182-183).
- ^ Creel (1980), p.37: Creel doubts the authenticity of the Fa-ching assertedly written by Li K'uei c.400.
- ^ Fung (2d ed 1952, 1983), v.1, p.13.
- ^ Liu (1998), pp. 157-158.
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983 Legge), Duke Ch'aou XVI, p.664.
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.3, pp.1533-1537, Lord Zhao (526 BCE) 16.3b-3c.
- ^ Lewis (2021), p.79 (hence praised by Confucius).
- ^ Sun (2015), p.15.
- ^ The Zuo Zhuan records that he drafted penal laws to protect private property. He also enacted harsh punishments for criminals. Because of his focus on laws, historians often classify him as a Legalist.
- ^ Lüshi chunqiu, Book 26, Chap. 3; pp. 650-651 (quote). "The Supreme Importance of Agriculture". The sage-kings of antiquity guided the people's devotion to farming, which ennobled them. "When the people farm, they remain simple, and being simple are easy to use. Being easy to use, the borders are secure, and the position of the ruler is honored. When the people farm, they are serious... the law is common to everyone... and all efforts are united."
- ^ Goldin: Sterckx (2018), p.301: the vast majority were commoners.
- ^ Chu (2021), chapters 5 and 6.
- ^ Lewis (2000), pp. 371-372.
- ^ L&S: Hsu (1999), p.572. The population in a Zhou state during Chunqiu was usually either "the guo ren (people of the state, i.e., of the city) [or] the ye ren (people in the field)."
- ^ Walker (1953, 1971), p.66, citing the Zuo Zhuan and Lüshi Chunqiu.
- ^ Rubin (1965), pp. 8, 12: Zichan's resulting popularity.
- ^ Lewis (2000), p.370, Zichan's early concern for the populous, but later his concern limited.
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983 Legge), Duke Ch'aou, XXV ¶2, p.708: Zichan said that ceremonies (li) came from the ways of heaven, the nature of earth, and the actions of people (italics added). [Cited in Wang Hui, Rise of Modern Chinese Thought (2023), p.25.]
- ^ Lunyu (1893, 1971 Legge), p.178 (bk. V ch. XV). Confucius about Zichan: "[I]n nourishing the people, he was kind; in ordering the people, he was just."
- ^ Sima Qian, Shiji (2006 Neinhauser), vol. X, pp. 232-234 (119.3101), at p.234. Comments by editor/translator (p.240): "The final line of Tzu-ch'an's biography (3101) also implies the dependence of the common people on him: 'To whom will the common people turn to [now]?'".
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (2020), Zhao 25.3 (year 517), pp.128-130. At p.128: quote of Zheng official, pp. 128-129: Zichan's speech in 40 lines, p.130: Jin minister's appreciation. Translator's "grandest" quote, p.127.
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.3, pp.1637-1639, Lord Zhao 25.3a(2)-3b.
Ritual propriety is "the warp thread of heaven and earth, [on which] people make their model. . . . Warmth and kindness, generosity and affability, were made to imitate heaven's way of giving birth and fostering things. . . . For sorrow there is wailing and weeping, for pleasure there is singing and dancing, for joy there is giving and forgiving, for anger there is war and contention... . For this reason rulers were careful in their conduct and made their orders trustworthy".
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983 Legge), XXV Duke Ch'aou ¶2, pp.708-709.
- ^ Fung (1937, 2d ed 1952, 1983). Zichan's speech at pp. 38-39 in 45 lines. Fung includes it in his chapter "Philosophical Thought prior to Confucius".
- ^ Schwartz (1985), p.176, p.177.
- ^ Fung (2d ed 1952, 1983), p.39 (quote).
- ^ L&S: Hsu (1999). The dominant Zhou culture then coexisted with several subordinate cultures, i.e., there was a mix "among the Zhou and many non-Zhou peoples in this period" (p.569). Zheng state, too, contained "non-Zhou people, the Man, Rong, and Di" (p.551).
- ^ Li Feng (2013), 189-194. Fierce intra-state fighting between clans, generations-long, weakened each lineage's power, and its hold on the land (pp. 170-173).
- ^ Lewis (1990), pp. 43-45: Blood covenants, interstate and within states between clans, began to replace lineage loyalty, as a basis for trust in agreements.
- ^ Goldin: Sterckx (2018), pp. 300, 314-315: altars.
- ^ Lewis (2000), p. 371 (quote). Popular sense of the state as territory; deities of the land.
- ^ Cf., Kaizuka (2002), pp. 80-81.
- ^ Maspero (1978), pp. 173-174.
- ^ Lüshi Chunqiu (2000), p.181.
- ^ Kaizuka (2002), pp. 78-79.
- ^ Lewis (1989), pp. 45-46.
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (2016), v.3, p.1409, Zhao 6.7a.
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (1983 Legge), VI Duke Ch'aou ¶2a, p.610.
- ^ Kaizuka (2002), p.106.
- ^ Schwartz (1985), pp. 325-327, 328 (portrayal of Zichan with regard to later legalism), 353 (reasoning versus the diviner's mythical view of comets).
- ^ Rubin (1976), p.15: Zichan seen as "a statesman and thinker".
- ^ Lewis (2021), p.39.
- ^ Hsu (1965), p.53 quotes. In the late Zhou era, the nobility's once unquestioned rule antenuates, then falters. The emerging shih followed a traditional code (p.8) of status and loyalty, but their rulings begin to appear arbitrary, lose an effective hold on people. The state ministers begin to encroach on noblity's power, then to usurp their authority (pp. 1-8, 31-37).
- ^ Li Feng (2013), pp. 161-178. After fall of Western Zhou (c. 771) the royal lineage systems were often eclipsed at the top by various hegemons. Then the xian system emerged: 'feudal' rule by Zhou nobility was replaced by state appointed local officials. The shih class arose. States explicitly began to employ legal codes to better control the population. During the Spring and Autumn period the cultural changes were "wide-ranging and fundamental", upheavals "totally reshaping" ancient China (p.161).
- ^ Schwartz (1985), pp. 323-327, quote at 325 (where he refers to the Zuo Zhuan as the Tso-chuan and to Zheng as Cheng). Schwartz notes that ancient texts about Zichan may reflect the legalist lens of a later era (p.325).
- ^ Creel (1974), pp. 10-12.
- ^ Kaizuka ([1951], 2002), pp. 83-85.
- ^ Schwartz (1985), re Zuo Zhuan: pp. 176, 177 (speech); p.181 (qi).
- ^ Lewis (2021), pp. 27-28.
- ^ Yang Zhaoming, A Tour of Qufu (Shanghai Press 2004, 2009), p.157.
- ^ Schwartz (1985), p.60.
- ^ Creel (1949, 1960), pp. 112-113 text, p.309 note 2. Creel emphasizes that the role of Confucius was "unique". He remarks that the similarity of the Analects with the possible "sources" might be a result of later text editing. For this interpretive theory Creel referred to unnamed scholars.
- ^ Shiji (1994, rev'd 2021), vol. VII, p.115.
- ^ Also: Lüshi (2000), p.713: Shiji quoted.
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (2020), pp. 177-179 [Zhao 6.3].
- ^ Lewis (1999), pp.20-21.
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (2020), p.179 [Zhao 29.5].
- ^ See discussion above: "Publishes laws (in 536)".
- ^ Lunyu (1893), p.153 [II.23]: though "at a distance of a hundred ages, its affairs may be known." Legge notes that no "supernatural powers" are claimed (p.153).
- ^ Lunyu (1998), p.114 [2.23]: Asked whether "ten generations hence could be foretold", Confucius noted factors to watch, concluding that "even though it were a hundred generations, it can be known." Brooks states no interpolation (p.329).
- ^ Shiji (1925, 1931), pp. 54-55.
- ^ Cf., Shiji (1979), pp. 21-22.
- ^ Zuo Zhuang (2020), p.179 [Zhao 6.3].
- ^ Lunyu (1893, 1971), p.178 (bk.V ch.XV). Also, Kung of Zichan: he gave government notices "proper elegance and finish", p.278 (bk.XIV ch.IX).
- ^ Lunyu (1998), p.105 per 5:15 re Zichan ([here romanized as Dž-chǎn, cf.p2). Brooks & /Brooks state, however, this passage may be an interpolation (added at bk.13) made by Dž-Jīng (c.351-295). A rival (as an heir) to Mengzi (as a meritocratic challenger), Dž-Jīng was the fourth head of the Kung school at Lu (pp. 89, 99, 117 [rivals]; 145 [his death, his son repurposes school], 285, 287, 333 [Kung lineage & school]). Also Kung (Confucius) re Zichan's "elegance" p.120 (14:9).
- ^ Lüshi (2000), p.390. Here the Lûshi articulates these positive appraisals in favor of Zichan and Confucius, yet does so in a convoluted manner to push a political argument.
- ^ Mengzi of Van Norden (2008), pp. 118-120 [5A 2.1-2.4], esp. pp. 119-120 [2.4]. Van Norden notes that this "cognitive error" was considered "highly admirable" by Mengzi and much later by the Neo-Confician Zhu Xi as a form of "virtue ethics" (p.120).
- ^ Mencius of Legge (1895, 1970), pp. 347-348 [V.II.4].
- ^ De Barry and Bloom, Sources of Chinese Tradition, vol. 1 (Columbia University 1960, 2d ed 1999), p.143 (quote at end).
- ^ Mengzi (2008), pp. 103-104 [4B 2.1-2.5]).
- ^ Mencius of Legge (1970), pp. 317-318, IV<II>.II.1-5.
- ^ Wade-Giles: Shen Pu-hai.
- ^ Creel (1974), p.21, p.24.
- ^ Goldin: Chen Shen (2018), p.114. The other two states were Wei and Zhao. The once very powerful state of Jin (11th century to 403) lingered as a non-state locale, soon to completely vanish.
- ^ L&S: Hsu (1999), pp. 552.
- ^ Creel (1974), p.10, quote. Shen Buhai was "probably an officer of Cheng before the conquest" (p.24).
- ^ L&S: Nivison (1999), p.769, quotes.
- ^ Both political leaders had books named after them: Shen Buhai's survives only in fragments (Creel (1974), pp. 343-392); Shang Yang's is the Shang jun shu.
- ^ Liu (1998), p.198,n,42 to text at p.183. Liu finds Creel unpersuasive per Shen Buhai.
- ^ Han Feizi (1939), Bk.17, chap.XLIII; v.2, pp. 212-216: comparing the styles of Shang and Shen.
- ^ Han Feizi (2024), pp. 256-258; chap.43.
- ^ Creel (1974), pp. 40-44. "In fact, Shen Pu-hai was not a legalist" (p.135).
- ^ Mengzi (2008), pp. 103-104 (4B 2.1-2.5). Yet Mencius criticized Zichan's governing style for doing his own investigation into facts, rather than relying solely on techniques.
- ^ Liu (1998).
- ^ Shiji chapter 68, "The Biography of Lord Shang" translated in Shang Jun Shu (1928 Duyvendak), pp. 8-31, his horrid death, p.30.
- ^ Martin (2015).
- ^ Rubin (1960).
- ^ Eichler (1884).
- ^ Fung (2d ed 1952, 1983), v.I, pp. 286-288.
- ^ Xunzi (2014 Hutton), pp. 248-257 [23:1-394], "Human Nature is Bad".
- ^ Xunzi (1963, 1996 Watson), pp. 157-171, chapter 23 "Man's Nature is Evil".
- ^ Xunzi (2014), pp. 70-71 [9:118-119], quote in "The Rule of a True King".
- ^ See above "The laws of 536 BCE", subsection "Initial adverse reactions", the paragraph on Deng Xi, a lengthy footnote.
- ^ Xunzi (2014), pp. 318-319 [28:21-47], Zichan quote p.319 [28:42-43]; in chapter 28: "The Right-Hand Vessel".
- ^ Han Fei was a descendant of the Han/Jin lineage, not of Zheng.
- ^ Wade-Giles: Li SSǔ.
- ^ Han Feizi (1939 Liao), v. I, pp. xxvii-xxix: W. K. Liao's 3-page translations of "The biography of Han Fei Tzu" by Ssǔ-ma Ch'ien (from the Shiji).
- ^ Fung (2d ed 1952, 1983), v.I, p.320.
- ^ Textural investigation of the Liezi's author may point to a single hand of the 4th century. Graham conjectures that the book's different points of view reflect the author's life as a "hedonistic youth", then a Confucian official, ending as a philosophical Taoist. Graham, pp. xiii-xiv in "Preface" (1990) of his translation.
- ^ Wong (1995), p.4 (quote). "Lieh-tzu was a real person... born around 400 BCE," and a citizen of "Cheng". He was said to have studied under Wenzi (p.3).
- ^ "Lieh-tzu was fond of... reinterpreting ancient folk tales and myths." Shambhala Dictionary of Taoism (1996), "Lieh-tzu" p.92.
- ^ Zhuangzi (2020), chapter 32, entitled "Lie Yukou", pp. 259-265. The first episode is about Lie Yukou. If translated, his name would be "Lineup Banditfend" (p.259,n1).
- ^ Loewe: Barrett (1993), p.298: "secondary" quote; Tang's third classic.
- ^ Graham (1989), p.200: The three Taoist classics "have won important places in the literary history of China."
- ^ Maspero (1927, 1978), re Lie Yukou: p.307 (quote re as hero in Zhuangzi); p.459,n6 (from Zheng).
- ^ Bodde writes that Lie Yukou was "a Taoist philosopher probably legendary, introduced by Chuang Tzu, and after whom a book, called the Lieh-tzu, has later been falsely attributed." Bodde's footnote to his translation of Fung (1952) at p.243,n1.
- ^ Loewe: Barrett (1993), pp. 298-301. "Lie Yukou was believed to have lived around 400 B.C." The earliest evidence of the book is a report dated 14 BCE (p.299, quote, report). "Chinese scholarship... has been divided as to whether it is an ancient work with later interpolations or a forgery confected from ancient sources" (p.298, quote). A. C. Graham concluded the "putting the Lieh tzu together" was probably done in the early fourth century CE (pp. 299-301, 300 quote).
- ^ Fung (1952), p.243: quote, and discussion.
- ^ Zhuangzi (2020), p.5: "Now Liezi got around by [riding] the wind itself... for fifteen days at a time."
- ^ Schwartz (1985), p.232 (quote), followed by an antagonistic recluse's close questioning of Lieh-tzu.
- ^ About Deng Xi, see also section "The laws of 536 BCE" subsection "Initial adverse reactions".
- ^ Lieh-Tzu (1995), in her "Introduction" Wong states, "this is not a translation" as she "elaborated" and "amalgamated" the text (p.20).
- ^ Lieh-Tzu (1960 Graham), p.127.
- ^ Lieh-Tzu (1995 Wong), pp.171-172.
- ^ Zuo Zhuan (2020), Ding 9.2 (501 BCE), p.180: "In Zheng, Si Chuan killed Deng Xi." Translators' commentary, p.202: "Zichan (d. 522 BCE)".
- ^ See here above "The laws of 536" subsection "Initial adverse reactions".
- ^ The Liezi may be a source for how Deng Xi died per Zichan, as told by Wieger (1917, 1969), p.232 (which dates the death "about 530").
- ^ Lu (1998), pp. 131-132, states her source per Zichan's role in Deng Xi's execution as the Lu Shi Chun Qiu, 18.303.
- ^ Lushi Chunqiu (2000), Bk.18/4.4, pp. 454-455. Here Prince Chan is Zichan.
- ^ Martin (1997), pp. 82-83, quote.
- ^ Lieh-Tzu (1960, 2021), p.135, Graham: "The 'Yang Chu' chapter is so unlike the rest of the Lieh-tzu that it must be the work of another hand."
- ^ Graham (1989), pp. 53-64.
- ^ Fung (1952), pp. 133-135: Yang Chu, hedonism, the Liezi, and early Taoism. Yangism advises restraint of desire, yet values highly the meaning derived from their satisfaction (p.141).
- ^ Lieh Tzu (1995), Wong distinguishes: "Yang Chu does not promote asceticism. ...nothing wrong with being well-off and comfortable" (p.186). "However, Yang Chu's philosophy is not the irresponsible hedonism" (p.13).
- ^ Lieh-Tzu (1960, 2021), e.g. hedonism re episode of Tuan-mu Chu (pp. 146-147). Graham writes that here "the hedonistic author puts his very different theories into the mouth of Yang Chu," and this "hedonistic author is a rebel against all moral convention which hinders sensual enjoyment" (p.136). Yet Graham locates the Tuan-mu Chu episode in a wider moral context (p.137).
- ^ Lieh-Tzu (1995), Tuan-mu Chu episode, pp. 196-197.
- ^ Lieh-Tzu (1960, 2021), p.137 (re pp. 33-35 and 61-65) per Graham.
- ^ Lieh-Tzu (1995), pp. 51-53 (Yellow Emperor), pp. 85-87 (King Mu) per Wong.
- ^ Waley (1939, 1982), pp. 20-26. Waley links the 'hedonistic brothers' episode here to the story of Confucius and the Brigand Chih (younger brother of the sage Liu-hsia Hui), as told by Zhuang Zhou. The role of Confucius per Brigand Chih parallels that of Zichan per the 'hedonistic brothers' of the Liezi.
- ^ Zhuangzi (2020), Chapter 29, "Robber Zhi", pp. 238-249. In the first episode, pp. 238-243, 'Robber Zhi' is 'Brigand Chih' per Waley (1939, 1982), with Confucius (Kong Qiu of Lu) and friend Liuxia Hui (Liuxia Ji). The translator Ziporyn, at p.79,n16, describes the wise-guy and somewhat ambiguous Robber Zhi as often a "stock example of extreme evil and lawlessness".
- ^ Lieh-Tzu (1960, 2021 Graham), pp. 143-146 ("two brothers").
- ^ Lieh-Tzu (1995 Wong), pp. 198-200 ("two brothers"), here entitled "What damages... ".
- ^ Waley (1939, 1982), pp. 26-29 ("two brothers").
- ^ Pinyin: Chunqiu; Wade-Giles: Ch'un Ch'iu.
- ^ Spring and Autumn Annals.
- ^ Reprint Taipei 1983). Volume 5 of The Chinese Classics (Oxford University Press).
- ^ Columbia University.
- ^ Washington University.
- ^ Washington University.
- ^ Stockholm: Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities (1950).
- ^ (Boston: Houghton Mifflin 1937; Grove Press, New York 1960)
- ^ William Jennings (London 1891; Paragon, New York 1969).
- ^ The She King by Legge, The Chinese Classics, v.4 (1872).
- ^ With Jay Ramsay and Victoria Finlay, Penguin (2014).
- ^ Regnery, Chicago (1971); The Shoo King per Chinese Classics, v.3.
- ^ James Legge, Confucius [texts] (Oxford: Clarendon Press 2d rev ed 1893, reprint Dover 1971).
- ^ Roger T. Ames and Henry Rosemont, Jr., The Analects of Confucius. A philosophical translation (New York: Ballantine 1998).
- ^ R. Bruce Brooks and A. Taeko Brooks, The Original Analects. Sayings of Confucius and his successors (Columbia University 1998).
- ^ French: Couvreur (1895); German: Wilhelm (1921).
- ^ Attributed to Lie Yukou.
- ^ T. H. Barrett, "Lieh tzu" in Loewe, ed. (1993): authenticity of text challenged, pp. 299-301.
- ^ Columbia University 1960, 1990, reprint Hassell Street 2021.
- ^ As Lieh-Tzu (Boston: Shambhala 1995).
- ^ Zhuangzi. The complete writings (Indianapolis: Hackett 2020).
- ^ Chuang-tzu. Basic writings, Columbia University 1968, rev. 1996.
- ^ Chuang-tzu. The inner chapters, Indianapolis: Hackett 1981, 2001.
- ^ James Legge, tr., The Works of Mencius (Oxford: Clarendon 2d ed 1895, reprint Dover 1970).
- ^ Bryan W. Van Norden, tr., Mengzi, with selections from traditional commentaries (Indianapolis: Hackett 2008).
- ^ John Knoblock, Xunzi. A translation and study of the complete works (Stanford University 1988), 3 volumes.
- ^ Eric L. Hutton, tr., Xunzi. The complete text (Princeton University 2014).
- ^ Burton Watson, tr., Hsün Tzu. Basic writings (Columbia University 1963, 1996).
- ^ W. K. Liao, tr., The Complete Works of Han Fei Tzu (London: Probsthian 1939, 1959), 2 volumes.
- ^ Burton Watson, tr., Han Fei Tsu. Basic writings (Columbia University 1964).
- ^ Pinyin: Zhanguo; Wade-Giles: Chan Kuo.
- ^ Sun Tzu, The Art of War, tr. by Samuel B. Griffith (Oxford University 1963, 1971). Sunzi Bingfa of Sun Wu (544-496 traditional dates).
- ^ Sun-tzu, The Art of War, tr. by Ralph D. Sawyer (Boulder: Westview Press 1994; Barnes & Noble 1994).
- ^ Unavailable: Three bamboo texts re early history of Zheng, including *Zichan, cited by Shaughnessy, Writing Early China (2023), pp. 253 & 367n2 (Tsinghua University's bamboo manuscripts, in press).
- ^ Michael Carson & Michael Loewe, "Lü shih ch'un ch'iu" at pp. 324-330 in Loewe, ed. (1993). Dated 239 BCE, ascribed to merchant Lü Pu-wei (d.235): collection of 'new' scholarly and existing texts, described as comprehensive. German tr. by Wilhelm (1928).
- ^ University of Indiana; nine volumes published as of 2023: I, II, V.1, VI, VII-XI. Volume V.2 should contain Chapters 42 on House of Zheng state, and 47 on House of Confucius.
- ^ Peking: Foreign Languages Press. The "Confucius Memoir" at pp. 1–27.
- ^ Columbia University, 2 volumes. Watson (1961) begins with the Han dynasty (v.I, p.14).
- ^ Wilhelm, Kung-Tse: Leben und Werk (Stuttgart: Frommanns 1925). Confucius [Memoir] at pp. 3-70 (annotated).
- ^ Kaizuka (1951, 2002), pp. 42-43: the Shiji chapter [#47] "The History of the Confucius Family".
- ^ Walker (1953, 1971), p.127, n.30: "The best work in a Western language" on Zichan.
- ^ Mèlanges en homage à Léon Vandermeersch, Paris.
- ^ Barry B. Blakely, "Chu Society and State".
- ^ Constance A. Cook, "The Ideology of the Chu ruling class".
- ^ Susan Weld, "Chu Law in Action".
- ^ Heather A. Peters, "Towns and Trade".
- ^ John S. Major, "Characteristics of Late Chu Religion".
- ^ Gopal Sukhu, "Monkeys, Shamans, Emperors, and Poets".
- ^ Chen Sen, "The age of territorial lords".
- ^ Jue Guo, "The spirit world".
- ^ Ori Tavor, "Religious thought".
- ^ Yuri Pines, "Political thought".
- ^ Roel Sterckx, "Food and Agriculture".
- ^ Wicky W. K. Tse, "Warfare".
- ^ Edward L. Shaughnessy, "Western Zhou History"
- ^ Hsu Cho-yun, "The Spring and Autumn Period".
- ^ Mark Edward Lewis, Warring States Political History.
- ^ David Shepherd Nivison, "The Classical Philosophical Writings".
- ^ Michael Loewe, "The Heritage left to the Empires".