Kalam
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Ilm al-kalam [a] or ilm al-lahut,[b] often shortened to kalam, is the scholastic, speculative, or rational study of Islamic theology (aqida).[2] It can also be defined as the science that studies the fundamental doctrines of Islamic faith (usul al-din), proving their validity, or refuting doubts regarding them.[3] Kalām was born out of the need to establish and defend the tenets of Islam against the philosophical doubters.[4][5] A scholar of kalam is referred to as a mutakallim (plural mutakallimun), a role distinguished from those of Islamic philosophers and jurists.[6]
After its first beginnings in the late Umayyad period, the Kalām experienced its rise in the early Abbasid period, when the Caliph al-Mahdi commissioned Mutakallimūn to write books against the followers of Iranian religions, and the Barmakid vizier Yahya ibn Khalid held Kalām discussions with members of various religions and confessional groups in his house. Until the 10th century, the Muʿtazilites were considered the real "masters of the Kalām". Later, two important Sunni Kalām schools emerged: the Ashʿariyya and the Maturidiyya. They positioned the Kalām particularly against the growing Neoplatonic and Aristotelian philosophy and elevated the "Kalām science" (ʿilm al-kalām) to the highest ranking science in Islam. Some of the arguments of the Mutakallimūn also found their way into Jewish and Christian theological discussions in the Middle Ages. After the Kalām science in the early modern period was essentially limited to the study of manuals and commentaries, from the late 19th century onwards various reform thinkers appeared in British India and the Ottoman Empire who called for the founding of a "new Kalām".
Definition
[edit]Definitions of Kalām in chronological order
[edit]Autor mit Sterbedatum | Region | Kalām ist… | Arabischer bzw. persischer Originaltext |
---|---|---|---|
al-Farabi (d. 950) | Syrian | "a mental ability through which man can help the established views and actions expressed by the founder of a religion to triumph and can refute everything that contradicts them by statements" | malaka yaqtadir bi-hā al-insān ʿalā nuṣrat al-ārā wa-l-afʿāl al-maḥdūda allatī ṣarraḥa bi-hā wāḍiḥ al-milla wa-tazyīf kull mā ḫālafa-hā bi-l-aqāwīl[7] |
Abu al-Hassan al-Amiri (d. 992) | Baghdad, Nishapur | "the linguistic effort to defend religion" | al-muǧāhada ʿan ad-dīn bi-l-lisān[8] |
Abu Hayyan al-Tawhidi (d. 1023) | Bagdad, Rayy, Shirazi | "a way of considering the foundations of religion, in which the deliberation is based on reason alone ." | bāb min al-iʿtibār fī uṣūl ad-dīn yadūr an-naẓar fīhi ʿalā maḥḍ al-ʿaql[9] |
Abu al-Yusr al-Bazdawi (d. 1099) | Transoxiana | "the explanation of those questions which constitute the foundations of religion, which it is an individual duty to learn." | bayān al-masāʾil allatī hiya uṣūl ad-dīn allatī hiya taʿallumuhā farḍ ʿain[10] |
Sharaf al-Din Ibn al-Tilimsani al-Fihri (d. 1260) | Ägypten | "the knowledge of the evidence of divinity and divine messengership, as well as the things on which their knowledge depends, namely the possibility and temporal origin of the world and the refutation of everything that is incompatible with this" | al-ʿilm bi-ṯubūt al-ilāhīya wa-r-risāla wa-mā yatawaqqaf maʿrifatuhumā ʿalaihi min ǧawāz al-ʿālam wa-ḥudūṯihī wa-ibṭāl mā yunāqiḍ ḏālik[11] |
Shams al-Din al-Samarqandi (d. 1303) | Samarkand | "a science that investigates the nature and attributes of God and the states of contingent entities in the beginning and at the return according to the law of Islam" | ʿilm yubḥaṯ fīhi ʿan ḏāt Allāh wa-ṣifātihī wa-aḥwāl al-mumkināt fī l-mubtadaʾ wa-l-maʿād ʿalā qānūn al-islām[12] |
Adud al-Din al-Iji (d. 1355) | Īj near Shiraz | "the science by which one can prove religious dogmas by citing arguments and averting doubts" | ʿilm yuqtadar maʿa-hū ʿalā iṯbāt al-ʿaqāʾid ad-dīnīya, bi-īrād al-ḥuǧaǧ wa-dafʿ aš-šubah[13] |
al-Taftazani (d. 1390) | Taftazan | "the knowledge of religious dogmas based on certain evidence" | al-ʿilm bi-l-ʿaqāʾid ad-dīnīya ʿan al-adilla al-yaqīnīya[14] |
Ibn 'Arafa (d. 1401) | Tunis | "the knowledge of the decrees of divinity, the sending of messengers, their truthfulness in all their communications, and that on which any of them is specifically based, as well as the establishment of their proofs by a skill that is believed to avert doubts and resolve uncertainties" | al-ʿilm bi-aḥkām al-ulūhīya wa-irsāl ar-rusul wa-ṣidqihā fī kull aḫbārihā wa-mā yatawaqqaf šaiʾ min ḏālik ʿalaihi ḫāṣṣan bihī wa-taqrīr adillatihā bi-qūwa hiya maẓinna li-radd aš-šubuhāt[15] |
Ibn Khaldun (d. 1406) | Tunis | "a science that involves the disputation of religious dogmas with rational arguments and the refutation of innovators who deviate from the teachings of the ancients and the Sunnis." | ʿilm yataḍamman al-ḥiǧāǧ ʿan al-ʿaqāʾid al-īmānīya bi-l-adilla al-ʿaqlīya wa-r-radd ʿalā l-mubtadiʿa al-munḥarifīn fī l-iʿtiqādāt ʿan maḏāhib as-salaf wa-ahl as-sunna[16] |
Ibn al-Humām (d. 1457) | Egypt | "the knowledge of the individual about the dogmas of the Islamic religion that are incumbent upon him through the evidence" | maʿrifat an-nafs mā ʿalaihā min al-ʿaqāʾid al-mansūba ilā dīn al-islām ʿan al-adilla[17] |
Taşköprüzade (d. 1561) | Osmanisches Reich | "the science of proving religious truths by providing arguments for them and removing doubts from them" | ʿilm yuqtadar maʿa-hū ʿalā iṯbāt al-ḥaqāʾiq ad-dīnīya, bi-īrād al-ḥuǧaǧ ʿalai-hā wa-dafʿ aš-šubah ʿan-hā[18] |
Abd al-Razzaq Lahiji (d. 1661) | Iran | "a theoretical skill with which one can prove religious dogmas" | ṣināʿa naẓarīya yuqtadar bi-hā ʿalā iṯbāt al-ʿaqāʾid ad-dīnīya[19] |
al-Tahānawī (d. 1745) | North India | "a science by which one can prove religious dogmas to one's fellow men by citing arguments and averting doubts" | ʿilm yuqtadar maʿa-hū ʿalā iṯbāt al-ʿaqāʾid ad-dīnīya ʿalā l-ġair, bi-īrād al-ḥuǧaǧ wa-dafʿ aš-šubah.[20] |
Morteza Motahhari (d. 1979) | Iran | "a science that discusses Islamic dogmas, i.e. what one must believe in from an Islamic point of view, in such a way that it explains, proves and defends them" | ʿilmi ast ke darbāre-ye ʿaqāyed-e eslāmī yaʿnī ānče az naẓar-e eslām bāyad bedān moʿtaqed būd va īmān dāšt, baḥs̱ mīkonad be īn naḥw ke ānhā toużīḥ mīdehad va darbāre-ye ānhā estedlāl mīkonad va az ānhā defāʿ mīnamāyad[21] |
Kalām as apologetics
[edit]According to several of the definitions given above, kalām has an apologetic function: it serves to defend one's own religious views. This apologetic function is particularly evident in the philosophers al-Farabi (d. 950) and Abu al-Hassan al-Amiri (d. 992). The former sees it as a mental ability through which man can refute everything that contradicts the views and actions established by the founder of the religion,[7] the latter as "the defence of religion with the tongue".[8] In the definitions of the Ashʿarite scholar Adud al-Din al-Iji (d. 1355), the Ottoman scholar Taşköprüzade (d. 1561) and the Indian scholar at-Tahānawī (around 1745), who worked in Iran, kalām has the task of averting doubts ( šubah ) from religious dogmas or truths. Against the background of such definitions, the French orientalist Louis Gardet judged that the function of kalām as a defensive "apology" could not be overestimated.[22] The view that the "fundamental character" of the Kalām consists of "defensive apology" is also the declared leitmotif of the French handbook Introduction à la théologie musulmane, co-authored by Gardet and M.M Anawati in 1948.[23]
The Indian scholar ʿAbd an-Nabī al-Ahmadnagarī (d. 1759) even believed that the value of the Kalam was limited to this apologetic function alone. The great Mutakallimūn, he explains in his encyclopedia Dustūr al-ʿulamāʾ, never justified or authenticated their doctrines with arguments from the Kalam, since the sole purpose of the Kalam was to silence the adversary and bring the stubborn to their knees. The great Mutakallimūn, on the other hand, drew their doctrines solely from the "lamp of prophethood" ( miṣbāḥ an-nubūwa ).[24] Such statements can also be found in al-Ghazali. Thus, in his work Ǧawāhir al-qurʾā , he judged that the purpose of the science of kalam was "to protect the beliefs of the masses from disruption by innovators " ( ḥirāsat ʿaqīdat al-ʿawāmm min tašwīš al-mubtadiʿīn ). On the other hand, this science was never about "revealing the truths" ( kašf al-ḥaqāʾiq ).[25]
Kalām as the science of religious foundations or dogmas
[edit]Several Muslim authors defined kalām by its relationship to the "fundamentals of religion" (Uṣūl al-Dīn). For example, Abu Hayyan al-Tawhidi (d. 1023) described the science of kalām as "a way of contemplating the fundamentals of religion in which deliberation is based on reason alone."[9] Abu al-Yusr al-Bazdawi (d. 1099) defined it as "the explanation of those questions which constitute the fundamentals of religion, which it is an individual duty to learn."[10]
Ibn al-Athir (d. 1233) in his book al-Lubāb fī Tahḏīb al-Ansāb was the first to define kalām science as "the science of the foundations of religion" (ʿilm Uṣūl al-Dīn).[26] Ibn Khallikan (d. 1282) and Siraj al-Din Urmavi (d. 1283) [ 24 ] even equated kalām science with the foundations of religion ( uṣūl ad-dīn ) itself.[27][28] The equation of ʿilm al-kalām and ʿilm uṣūl al-dīn is also found in the catalogue of the Ottoman Palace Library from the beginning of the 16th century, where the section containing the books on kalām was entitled "Section of the Books of the Science of the Foundations of Religion, i.e. the Science of Kalām" ( Tafṣīl kutub ʿilm uṣūl ad-dīn, ai ʿilm al-kalām ).[29] This classification probably also influenced the Ottoman scholars Taşköprüzade and Saçaklızāde (d. 1732), who also equated kalām science and the "science of the foundations of religion" in their Arabic scientific encyclopedias.[18] At-Tahānawī explains this equation by saying that the Kalām is the basis of the religious legal sciences and that they are based on it.[30]
Some later scholars defined the kalām science of dogmas. For Adud al-Din al-Iji (d. 1355), kalām is "the science of proving religious dogmas by citing arguments and removing doubts."[13] In a slightly modified form, this definition was also adopted by the Ottoman scholar Tashköprüzāde (d. 1561) and the Indian scholar at-Tahānawī (c. 1745).[18][20] For al-Taftazani (d. 1390), Kalām is "the knowledge of religious dogmas based on certain evidence",[14] for Ibn Khaldun (d. 1406) "a science that includes the disputation of the dogmas of faith with rational arguments"[16] and for Morteza Motahhari (d. 1979) "a science that discusses the Islamic dogmas [...] in such a way that it explains, proves and defends them".
Linguistic
[edit]Theories about the origin of the term
[edit]In Arabic , the term Kalām generally means "speech, conversation, debate." There are different theories as to why this term came to be used to describe the discipline that deals with the rational justification of one's own religious doctrines:
- Al-Shahrastani (d. 1153) suggested that the name was coined by the Mu'tazila. They called this science by this name either because the speech of God was the main question around which their disputations and controversies revolved, so that the whole science was called by it.[31]
- Ibn at-Tilimsanī (d. 1260) considered three different possibilities: 1. the name Kalām comes from the fact that the Mutakallimūn began the chapters in their books with the phrase: "Chapter of speech about..." ( bāb al-kalām fī... ); 2. When the Zahirites were asked about one of the problems of this science, they replied: "That is that about which we are forbidden to speak" ( hāḏa mā nuhīnā min al-kalām fīhi ). This happened repeatedly, so that after a time it was called "the science of (forbidden) speech" ( ʿilm al-kalām [al-manhī ʿanhu] ), with the expression "forbidden" ( al-manhī ʿanhu ) eventually being dropped; 3. Science was called ʿilm al-kalām because its learning is one of the most important means of bringing out the intellectual power of speech ( al-qūwa an-nāṭiqa al-fikrīya ) by which man is distinguished from other living beings.[32]
- Al-Taftazani (d. 1390) gives a total of eight explanations for the name Kalām in his commentary on the confession of an-Nasafī , including the one that this science takes place solely in discussion ( mubāḥaṯa ) and exchange of speech ( idārat al-kalām ) and thus differs from other sciences that can also be practiced in the form of reflection ( taʾammul ) and reading of books ( muṭālaʿat al-kutub ). Another possibility that he discusses is that this science was considered to be speech par excellence because of the strength of its evidence, just as one says of the stronger of two statements: "This is the speech".[33]
- Ibn Khaldun (d. 1406) suggested that the science of kalām was so called either because the fight against innovations did not require action, but was achieved solely through "speech" (kalām).[34]
- Morteza Motahhari, Iranian Twelver Shia scholar and philosopher stated the reason why the name originated from the habit of its scholars of starting the discussions in their books with "al-kalamu fi kadha".[35] Yet another reason is that people who were involved in this discipline discussed issues (and as such were involved in kalam about these issues) in which Ahl al-Hadith remained silent.[35] Other reason of Morteza support of kalam is because its important for a mihna resulted from the discussion in this discipline of whether the Quran, which is regarded as the kalam of Allah, is created (makhluq) or not.[35] Morteza also claimed that kalam has pre-eminent importance to the study of Hadith in Shiism.[36]
According to Josef van Ess, the many explanations given by Arab scholars "clearly demonstrate the perplexity of native philologists and theologians when faced with the term kalām ".[37] As for Western scholarship, Tjitze de Boer and Duncan Black MacDonald suggested that the term kalām was derived from the Greek word logos.[38][39] Arent Jan Wensinck, on the other hand, rejected the view that the term kalām could have anything to do with logos or its derivatives in 1932, and argued that it had arisen "through the development of Arabic terminology itself".[40] Louis Gardet and M.-M. Anawati considered the first possibility of derivation mentioned by Ibn at-Tilimsānī to be the most likely and suspected that kalām initially meant "speech about..." and then, through antonomasia, became "discourse" per se (about the things of God).[23] W. Montgomery Watt took a similar path of explanation to Ibn Taymiyyah when he wrote about the term mutakalli : "Undoubtedly this was once a derisive name, perhaps creating the image of people 'who talk forever.' Eventually, however, it became accepted as a neutral term."[40]
History
[edit]The question of origin
[edit]- Maimonides (d. 1204) believed that the Kalām was actually of Christian origin and only later became known to Muslims through translations.[41] Franz August Schmölders rejected this theory as implausible as early as 1840 in his Essai sur les écoles philosophiques chez les Arabes.[42]
- According to Ibn Khaldūn (d. 1406), the science of kalam arose from the fact that disagreements about the details of the doctrines of faith arose in the period after the first Muslims. Most of these disagreements were, in his opinion, caused by ambiguous Quranic verses (Muḥkam and Mutashabih). They led to dispute, disputation and rational argumentation.[43]
- Mohammed Abed al-Jabri (d. 2010) assumes that the Kalam arose in the middle of the 7th century, immediately after the arbitration that ended the war between Ali ibn Abi Talib and Mu'awiya. During this period, Arab political discourse began to use religion as a mediator. The various parties sought religious legitimacy for their positions, which was the first step in the theoretical formation of what was later called the science of Kalam. Thus, in its historical reality, this science is not just a discourse on the doctrine of faith, but a "practice of politics in religion" ( mumārasa li-s-siyāsa fī d-dīn ).[44]
In fact, the origins of the kalām are obscure. This is also due to the fact that the specifically theological meaning of the words kalām and mutakallim was very slow to gain acceptance. Mutakallim initially only referred to a "speaker with a specific function".[45]
In the anonymous Aḫbār al-ʿAbbās wa-waladihī, which dates from the eighth century, it is reported that when Abu Muslim (d. 755) wanted to establish himself in Merv, he sent mutakallimūn from his followers into the city to win the population over to their cause and make it clear to them that they were following the Sunnah and acting according to the truth.[46] Shlomo Pines has concluded that the term originally arose in Abū Muslim's army and referred to political and religious propagandists such as the Dawah.[47]
However, there are reports that indicate that the culture of kalām existed before this. The Arab historian Abu Zakariya al-Azdi (d. 945) cites a report according to which the Umayyad caliph ʿUmar ibn ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz (r. 717–720) is said to have said: "I have argued and spoken with the people. Indeed, I love to speak with the Shia ."[48] The fact that the verb kallama is used here for "to speak with", from which the word kalām is derived, is seen by Josef van Ess as an indication that the specifically theological meaning of the kalām concept may have already developed at this time.[49]
According to a report quoted in the Kitab al-Aghani by Abu al-Faraj al-Isfahani (d. 967), there were six representatives of the Kalam (aṣḥāb al-kalām) in Basra: the two Muʿtazilites Amr ibn Ubayd and Wasil ibn Ata, the poet Bashshar ibn Burd, Salih ibn Abd al-Quddus and Abdul Karim bin Abi Al-Awja', and a man from the tribe of Azd who was inclined towards Sumanīya, an Indian doctrine, and who made his house available to the group for their meetings.[50] Since Wāsil died around 748, the Kalām must have existed in the late Umayyad period if this report is authentic.
In two hadiths cited by Abdullah Ansari (d. 1089), Amr ibn Ubayd is identified as the one who "invented these innovations of kalām" (ibtadaʿ hāḏihi l-bidaʿ min al-kalām). Abu Hanifa is said to have cursed ʿAmr ibn ʿUbaid for "opening the way for people to speak (kalām) about what it is not their business to speak about." (fataḥ li-n-nās aṭ-ṭarīq ilā l-kalām fīmā lā yaʿnīhim min al-kalām).[51] Ibn Taymiyya (d. 1328), on the other hand, believed that the special type of argumentation that characterizes the Kalam first appeared at the beginning of the second Islamic century with Jaʿd ibn Dirham (d. 724) and Jahm bin Safwan (d. 746). From them it then reachedAmr ibn Ubayd and Wasil ibn Ata.[52] According to the Ottoman scholar Taşköprüzade (d. 1561), the spread of the Kalam began as early as the year 100 of the Hijra (= 718/19 AD) through the Muʿtazila and the Qadariya, with Wasil ibn Ata again playing the decisive role.[18] However, neither Wasil ibn Ata nor any other persons mentioned here have recorded book titles or sayings that indicate that they themselves used the term kalām as a name for a particular science or knowledge culture.
According to a report quoted by al-Masudi (d. 956) in his work The Meadows of Gold, the Abbasid CaliphateAbbasid caliph al-Mahdi (r. 775–785) was the first ruler to commission Mutakallimūn representing Islam to write books against Mulhid from the circle of the Manichaeans, Bardesanites and Marcionites and to refute their arguments. The reason for this was that at that time writings of these groups had spread and were being translated from New Persian and Middle Persian into Arabic.[53]
Formative years
[edit]In early Islam, the Ahl al-Kalām or "Kalamites" essentially referred to the Muʿtazila. Historian Daniel W. Brown describes Ahl al-Kalām as one of three main groups engaged in polemical disputes over sources of authority in Islamic law during the second century of Islam: the Ahl al-Ra'y and Ahl al-Hadith being the other two. (Brown also describes the Muʿtazila as "the later ahl al-Kalām", suggesting the ahl al-Kalām were forerunners of the Muʿtazilites.[54])
In the times of the Abbasid Caliphate (750–1258 CE), the discipline of Kalām arose in an "attempt to grapple" with several "complex problems" early in the history of Islam, according to historian Majid Fakhry.[55] One was how to rebut arguments "leveled at Islam by pagans, Christians and Jews".[55] Another was how to deal with (what some saw as the conflict between) the predestination of sinners to hell on the one hand and "divine justice" on the other (some asserting that to be punished for what is beyond someone's control is unjust). Also Kalam sought to make "a systematic attempt to bring the conflict in data of revelation (in the Quran and the Traditions) into some internal harmony".[55] Other factors that might have led the establishment of kalam was an effort by some Islamic scholars to oppose the thoughs of Zandaqa in the Islamic world.[56]
Later schools of Kalam like the Kullabis, Asharites and Matuiridis representing as Sunni Islam would develop systems that would defend the core orthodox creedal points of Islam completely on rational grounds, and were open to engaging in kalam in accordance to the Quran and Sunnah.[57] This was unlike the Mutazilites, whose kalam instead prioritised reason over revelation to the point where the Quran and hadith would only be accepted if it aligned with their interpretation of rationalism.[58] The Hanbali school and followers of Ahmed Ibn Hanbal would generally avoid kalam and philosophical talk all together, seeing it as an innovation, and only address it out of necessity.[59] However, Ahmad ibn Hanbal also provided an episode of long feud of Mu'tazila Quran creationism doctrine opposed by the scripturalists (Atharism) doctrine that Quran as shifat (attribution) of God which championed by Ahmad ibn Hanbal, the founder of Hanbali school.[60][61][62][63] Ibn Battah has recorded in his work, Al-Ibāna , that Ahmad ibn Hanbal has instructed his students of total academic boycott against the scholars of kalam.[64] Furthermore, Ahmad ibn Hanbal also recorded engaged in long debates against the leading Mu'tazilite and qadi of caliphate, Ahmad ibn Abi Du'ad regarding the said matter about the nature of Quran.[65] The Hanbali scholars and followers of Ahmad ibn Hanbal rarely mention about kalam in their teaching, as they consider it as bid'ah (heresy).[59] After the longtime persecution of Mihna towards the Ahl a-Hadith and Atharist scholars since the time of his great-grandfather, caliph al-Mutawakkil changed the caliphate policy by restoring them to favor, while abandoning Mu'tazilites led by Ahmad ibn Abi Du'ad.[66] The caliph also attempted to reconcile with Ahmad ibn Hanbal, and finally, in March 852, he ordered that all prisoners held on account of the innquisition against the atharists be released.[67]
The heyday under the early Abbasids
[edit]According to Al-Shahrastani, the golden age of the science of kalam began with the caliphs Harun al-Rashid (r. 786–809), al-Ma'mun (r. 813–833), al-Mu'tasim (r. 833–842), al-Wathiq (r. 842–847) and al-Mutawakkil (r. 847–861) and ended in the time of Sahib ibn Abbad, who served as vizier of the Buyids of Ray from 979 to 995.[68]
One of the most important promoters of kalam discussions in the early Abbasid period was the Barmakid Yahya ibn Khalid, who served as vizier under Harun al-Rashid. Al-Yaʿqūbī (d. after 905) reports that he loved kalam and discussion (Naẓar), and that in his days the mutakallimūn became numerous and they debated with each other and wrote books. Al-Yaʿqūbī cites Hisham ibn al-Hakam and Dirar ibn Amr (d. 815) as examples of mutakallimīn of this period.[69] According to a report quoted by Ibn Babawayh, Yahya ibn Khalid used to hold a discussion group (maǧlis) at his place on Sundays, in which mutakallimūn from every sect (firqa) and religious community (milla) participated, who then debated with each other about their religions and put forward arguments against each other.[70] This discussion group is also mentioned by al-Masʿūdī . According to his report, many Islamic mutakallimūn participated in this discussion, including Muʿtazilites such as Abu l-Hudhail, Ibrahim al-Nazzam and Bishr ibn al-Muʿtamir, Imamites such as Hisham ibn al-Hakam, one Kharijite and one Murjite each, as well as representatives of other worldviews and faiths, including the Mobed of the Zoroastrians.[71]
The Caliph al-Ma'mun also distinguished himself by promoting the Kalam. Al-Yaʿqūbī reports that he openly professed the "People of Monotheism and Justice" (Ahl al-Tawhid wal 'Adl), that is, the Muʿtazila, attracted Mutakallimūn to his court and paid them maintenance so that their numbers increased. Each one, explains al-Yaʿqūbī, wrote books to defend his own doctrine and to refute his opponents.[72]
Al-Jahiz (d. 869), who wrote one of the first treatises on the kalam, praised the art of the kalam as a "precious jewel" (juhar tamīn), as "the treasure that never perishes" (al-kanz allaḏī lā yafnā wa-lā yablā) and as the "companion who does not bore and does not deceive". It is the standard for every other art, the rein for every expression, the scales with which one can clarify the lack or excess of every thing, and the filter with which one can recognize the purity or impurity of every thing. All scholars depend on it, and it is the tool and model for every acquisition. What could be more important than something without which one cannot prove the glory of God or prophethood, and without which one cannot distinguish the true argument from the false argument and the proof from the false proof. The kalam makes it possible to distinguish the community (jama'a) from the sect (firqa) and the Sunnah from the Bid'ah. Al-Jahiz also compares the kalam to a border fortress, the defence of which requires great personal commitment. It is like a border fortress because all people are hostile towards its followers.[73] Whoever gives this science its due can expect a corresponding reward. [ 85 ] Al-Jāhiz praises the Mutakallimūn for remaining loyal to their discipline out of conviction of its high value, despite the rejection that their discipline experiences in society, and for even being willing to accept the sacrifice of poverty and lack of career opportunities as a Qadi.[74]
In another writing, al-Jahiz stated that without the Kalam, there would be no religion for God and no one would be distinguished from the heretics . There would be no difference between falsehood and truth and no separation between a prophet and a mere pretender to prophethood. Argument could not be distinguished from deceit and proof could not be distinguished from apparent proof. The art of the Kalam was preferable to every other art and education , which is why it was made the standard for all philosophical speculation and the basis of every syllogism . It was only held in such high esteem because every scholar needed it and could not do without it.[75]
10th and 11th centuries: Spread from Iraq to the east and west
[edit]Until the early 10th century, the Kalam was essentially limited to Iraq and Greater Khorasan . A very important center of the Kalam culture was the Muʿtazilite stronghold of ʿAskar Mukram in Khuzistan, the place of work of Al-Jubba'i and his son Abu Hashim al-Jubba'i. The geographer Ibn Hauqal (d. 977) reports that members of the common people also practiced the Kalam method here and achieved such mastery that they could compete with scholars from other cities. Ibn Hawqal reprots in his book Surat Al-Ard that he saw two porters in the city who were carrying heavy loads on their heads or backs and at the same time arguing about the interpretation of the Quran and questions of the Kalam.[76]
During the course of the 10th century, the Kalam also spread more widely to the eastern regions of the Islamic Empire. One of the early Kalam scholars representing the Mu'tazila in Khorasan was Abū al-Qāsim al-Balkhī (d. 931). Other Kalam scholars such as Al-Qadi Abd al-Jabbar (d. 1024) settled in Rayy.[34] In the late 10th century, the two renowned Ash'ari Kalam scholars, Ibn Furak and Abu Ishaq al-Isfarayini (d. 1027) having studied in Baghdad arrived to teach in Khurasan at this time. Some of the prominent Shafi'i families in Nishapur took up the cause of Ash'arism and it became well-established in the city, which developed into the main hub of Shafi'ite learning in the East. Ash'arism swiftly proliferated throughout Iran's other Shafi'ite communities. It developed into the mainstream Shafi'ite ideology in the Islamic world during the Seljuk era.[77]
In the Maghreb and al-Andalus, on the other hand, the Kalam was not yet a topic of discussion until the early 11th century. Al-Baqillani a Maliki jurist contributed to the propagation of Ash'arism within the Maliki circles in North Africa.[78] One of his students, Abu Dharr al-Harawi was the first to introduce the Ash'ari doctrine to the Holy Sanctuary of Mecca. Abu Dharr al-Harawi had over hundreds of students from Andalusia and Maghreb who became jurists judges and contributed to the spread of Ash'arism to their regions most notable examples are Abu al-Walid al-Baji and Abu Imran al-Fasi.[79] However, research shows that his students weren't the first to spread Ash'arism as there were already known Ash'ari presence in the Tunisia such as Ibn Abi Zayd al-Qayrawani and Abu al-Hassan al-Qabisi.[79][80][81][82] Shortly after, the Ash'ari theology became the mainstream doctrine of the Maliki school.[83]
Modern attempts at revival
[edit]Mulla Sadra, 17th AD Twelver Shia philosopher and mystic; has felt that he owed to the greek philosophy, for the development of kalam as Islamic discourse.[84] Modern philosopher Federico Campagna has suspected the similarity between the unique cosmological kalam philosophy taught by Mulla Sadra with Hindu Vedic Upanishads philosophy.[85] In retrospect, Muhammad Kamal from Islamic studies at the Melbourne institute has stated Mulla Sadra philosophy was influenced by Avicenna and Ibn Arabi.[86]
Ruhollah Khomeini, Iranian Islamic revolutionary, politician, religious leader who served as the first Supreme Leader of Iran, founder of modern day Islamic Republic of Iran and the main leader of the Iranian Revolution; has used kalam to facilitate his socio-religious revival of moral spirit of the masses. As he formulate the revolutionary system on his states building, Khomeini's political thoughts was closely linked with kalam discourse.[87]
As an Islamic discipline
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Although seeking knowledge in Islam is considered a religious obligation, the study of kalam is considered by Muslim scholars to fall beyond the category of necessity and is usually the preserve of qualified scholars, eliciting limited interest from the masses or common people.[88]
The early Muslim scholar al-Shafi'i held that there should be a certain number of men trained in kalam to defend and purify the faith, but that it would be a great evil if their arguments should become known to the mass of the people.[59]
Similarly, the Islamic scholar al-Ghazali held the view that the science of kalam is not a personal duty on Muslims but a collective duty. Like al-Shafi'i, he discouraged the masses from studying it and that only the most able do so.[88]
Criticism
[edit]Despite the dominance of kalam as an intellectual tradition within Islam, some scholars were critical of its use. For example, Hanbali school and followers of Ahmed Ibn Hanbal would generally avoid kalam and philosophical talk all together, seeing it as an innovation.[89] The same sentiments is also found within the Zahiri school.;[90]
However, Islam theology researcher Jeffry R. Halverson has stated that many Islamic orthodox scholars has regarded the science of kalam as kind of heretical innovation and Heterodoxy opinion.[91]
the Hanbali Sufi, Khwaja Abdullah Ansari wrote a treatise entitled Dhamm al-Kalam where he criticized the use of kalam where as the Shafii hadith scholar Al-Bayhaqi approved of it in the correct framework.[58]
Ibn al-Jawzi, 12th AD Maliki scholar; has explained that that Ulama and Fiqh of his contemporary have considered kalam as "..useless discipline..".[92] He described the kalam scholars progression was at first "because they were exposed to foreign literatures about philosophy...", then in the end they established kalam, which in practice damaged their creed of Islam.[93]
Ibn Qudama, 13th AD Hanbali scholar; harshly criticized kalam as one of the worst of all heresies. He characterized their scholars, the mutakallimūn, as innovators and heretics who had betrayed and deviated from the simple and pious faith of the early Muslims.[94]
Al-Dhahabi, 14th AD Hanbali scholar and historian; has made his derogatory statement towards kalam scholar by comparing them with Abu Jahl, the reviled figure in Islam during the time of Muhammad.[95]
Ibn Taymiyya, 14th AD Hanbali scholar; was notable for his bold stance against the doctrines of Mutakallimin in his works such as ar-Radd 'ala al-mantiqiyyın (Refutation of the Rationalists), and bayan muwafaqat al-'aql al-sarih li al-Naql as-Sahiha. Ibn Taymiyya even further criticize Ash'arite rationalists such as al-Ghazali, Fakhr al-Din al-Razi, and al-Shahrastani for their method in discourses by abandoning the scripturalism way.[96] In general, Ibn Taymiyya has detailed his criticism in Ar-Radd 'ala al-Mantiqiyyin. Regarding al-Ghazali in particular, Through the seventh chapter of his book, Mi'yar Al-'Ilm, Ibn Taymiyyah wrote that although he recognized that al-Ghazali's intention are not inherently bad in his attempt to describe the limit of human's mind in metaphysical and esoterical concepts, as it was aimed to oppose the core idea of kalam scholars that everything must be grasped by logic; although he still held that such discourse are moot as it only distract al-Ghazali from the important aspect of literal meanings, while it kept al-Ghazali busy with irrelevant semantic argumentations.[97]
Al-Shawkani, a 18th AD Atharism,[98][99] Zahiri scholar,[100] early Salafi movement figure,[101][102][103][104] and Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab contemporary;[105][106] has expressed his view for literal theological interpretation and opposition to kalam (speculative theology)[107][108][109][110][111]
Siddiq Hasan Khan, 19th AD North Indian Salafi scholar,[112] co-founder of Ahl-i Hadith movement,[113][114] and also Nawab (viceroy) of Bhopal State;[115] has rejected kalam as he regards it as "full of speculations". It was stated by himself that his opposition towards kalam were influenced by the thoughts of Al-Shawkani, Al-San'ani and Ibn Taymiyya.[116][112]
Rashid Rida, 19th century AD reformer of Islamics school;[117] in his later years of life has perceived the Athari theology as more rational than Kalam and actively condemning Kalam, as he view the Athari methodology had stronger religious foundations of Islam. Furthermore, he also saw the Ash'arite theology as ineffective against philosophical doubts.[118]
Al-Albani, prominent figure of Salafism and modern era Hadith scholar; considered kalam doctrine as misguided in the Islamic creed due to their Ta'til methodology, which consequently divesting the Names of God in Islam. Al-Albani stated the notable example was the rejection of kalam scholars of the al-ʿAliyy (Most highest) attribute of God.[119]
Manzoor Elahi, 21th century AD Bangladeshi Salafi scholar and academic; has stated in his book "The Importance of Right Aqeedah in Reforming Society" edited by Abubakar Muhammad Zakaria says about Ilmul Kalam,[120]
The Mutaqallimin called the Aqeedah studies "Ilmul Kalam" and the philosophers called "Al-Falsafa al-Islamiyyah" or Islamic philosophy, "Al-Ilahiyat" and "Metaphysics" (supernaturalism). About the latter names, Dr. Nasser al-Aql and many others say that it is not pure to call the Islamic Aqeedah by these names. Explaining the reason, Muhammad Ibrahim Al Hamad said, "Because the source of Ilmul Kalam is human intellect, which is based on Hindu and Greek philosophy. On the other hand, the main source of Tawheed is revelation. Moreover, Ilmul Kalam includes restlessness, imbalance, ignorance and doubt. That is why the Salaf Saleheen condemned Ilmul Kalam. And Tawheed is based on knowledge, conviction and faith,….. Another reason can be said that the foundation of philosophy is based on assumptions, false beliefs, imaginary thoughts and superstitious ideas". Imam Harawi wrote a 5-volume book called ذم الكلام وأهله and Imam Ghazali wrote a book called تهافت الفلاسفة. Besides, Imam Ibn Taymiyyah and Ibn al-Qayyim, among other Muslim scholars have discussed in detail that 'Ilmul Kalam' and 'Falsafa' do not represent the correct Islamic belief.
Similar sentiment were also stated by ʻUthmān ibn Jumʻah Ḍumayrīyah, an Islamic theology professor of University of Sharjah and Umm al-Qura University; that kalam science inherently contradicts the Islamic creed of al-Burooj Quran 85:16 chapter regarding the attribute of God's name as omnipotent (al-Jabbār); which contain the attribute of capability to perform any wills (yurīd). ʻUthmān views that kalam's doctrine omitted such attribute by human's logic only.[92]
Schools
[edit]Sunni kalam school
[edit]Shia kalam school
[edit]See also
[edit]Appendix
[edit]Notes
[edit]Citations
[edit]- ^ Abdel-Haleem, M. A. S. (2008). "Part I: Historical perspectives - Qur'an and hadith". In Winter, Timothy (ed.). The Cambridge Companion to Classical Islamic Theology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 19–32. doi:10.1017/CCOL9780521780582.002. ISBN 978-1-139-00181-6.
- ^ Mutahhari, Murtada. "An Introduction to 'Ilm al-Kalam". Muslim Philosophy. Translated by Qara'i, 'Ali Quli. Retrieved 29 March 2018.
- ^ Mutahhari, Murtadha. "An Introduction to Ilm al-Kalam". Retrieved 2023-10-31.
For a definition of 'ilm al-kalam, it is sufficient to say that, "It is a science which studies the basic doctrines of the Islamic faith (usul al-Din). It identifies the basic doctrines and seeks to prove their validity and answers any doubts which may be cast upon them."
- ^ • Treiger, Alexander (2016) [2014]. "Part I: Islamic Theologies during the Formative and the Early Middle period - Origins of Kalām". In Schmidtke, Sabine (ed.). The Oxford Handbook of Islamic Theology. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 27–43. doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199696703.013.001. ISBN 978-0-19-969670-3. LCCN 2016935488.
• Abrahamov, Binyamin (2016) [2014]. "Part I: Islamic Theologies during the Formative and the Early Middle period - Scripturalist and Traditionalist Theology". In Schmidtke, Sabine (ed.). The Oxford Handbook of Islamic Theology. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press. pp. 264–279. doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199696703.013.025. ISBN 978-0-19-969670-3. LCCN 2016935488. - ^ Madeleine Pelner Cosman, Linda Gale Jones, Handbook to Life in the Medieval World, p. 391. ISBN 1-4381-0907-5
- ^ Clinton Bennett, The Bloomsbury Companion to Islamic Studies, p. 119. ISBN 1-4411-2788-7.
- ^ a b Al-Farabi 1949, p. 107
- ^ a b Abu al-Hassan al-Amiri 1988, p. 95
- ^ a b Abu Hayyan al-Tawhidi & 1993-4, p. 94
- ^ a b Abu al-Yusr al-Bazdawi 2003, p. 15
- ^ Ibn al-Tilimsani 2010, p. 43
- ^ Shams al-Din al-Samarqandi (1985). Ahmad Abdurahman al-Sharif (ed.). Al-Sahaʾif al-Ilahiya. Kuwait: Maktabat al-Falah. p. 66.
- ^ a b Adud al-Din al-Iji 1966, p. 37
- ^ a b al-Taftzani 1998, p. 163
- ^ Ibn'Arafa 2004, p. 78
- ^ a b Ibn Khaldun 2001, p. 588
- ^ Al-Kamal ibn al-Humam (1929). Al-Musayara fi Ilm al-Kalam. Cairo: Al-Maṭbaʿa al-Mahmudiya, Cairo. p. 5.
- ^ a b c d Taşköprüzade 2001, p. 148
- ^ Abd al-Razzaq Lahiji 2011, p. 51
- ^ a b al-Tahānawī 1996, p. 29
- ^ Morteza Motahhari 1991, p. 57
- ^ Louis Gardet. "Ilm al-kalām" in The Encyclopaedia of Islam. Vol. 3. Brill. p. 1142.
- ^ a b Louis Gardet, M.M Anawati (1981). Introduction à la théologie musulmane. Librairie philosophique J. Vrin. pp. 6–20.
- ^ Abd an-Nabī al-Ahmadnagarī (2000). Gami al-Ulum fi Istilahat al-Funan, al-Mulaqqab bi-Dustur al-Ulama. Vol. 3. Beruit: Dar al-Kotob al-'Ilmiyya. p. 95.
- ^ Al-Ghazali (2000). Rashid Rida (ed.). Gawahir al-Qur'an. Beruit: Dar Iḥya al-Ulum. p. 39.
- ^ Ibn al-Athir (1980). Al-Lubab fi Tahḏib al-Ansab. Vol. 3. Beruit: Dar al-Sadir. p. 161.
- ^ Ibn Khallikan (1978). Ihsan Abbas (ed.). Wafayat al-A'yan wa-Anba Abna al-Zaman. Vol. 4. Beruit: Dar al-Sadir. p. 271.
- ^ Siraj al-Din Urmavi (2012). Al-Risala al-Garre fi al-Farq Baina Nau'ai al-Ilm al-Ilahi wa-l-Kalam. p. 75.
- ^ Abdurrahman Atçıl (2019). "The Kalām (Rational Theology) Section in the Palace Library Inventory". In Gülrü Necipoğlu; Cemal Kafadar; Cornell Fleischer (eds.). Treasures of Knowledge. An Inventory of the Ottoman Palace Library (1502/03–1503/04). Brill. pp. 367–388.
- ^ al-Tahānawī 1996, p. 31
- ^ Al-Shahrastani (1992). Ahmad Fahmi Muhammad (ed.). al-Milal wa-n-niḥal. Beruit: Dar al-Kotob al-'Ilmiyya. p. 23.
- ^ Ibn al-Tilimsani 2010, p. 42
- ^ al-Taftzani 2014, p. 23
- ^ a b Ibn Khaldun 2001, p. 589
- ^ a b c Mutahhari, Murtadha (12 March 2013). "An Introduction to Ilm al-Kalam". al-islam.org. Retrieved 2023-11-01.
- ^ Morteza Motahhari (2002). Mengenal Ilmu Kalam: Murtadha Muthahhari [Getting to Know the Science of Kalam: Murtadha Muthahhari] (in Indonesian). Translated by Ilyas Hasan. Abbaz production. pp. 75–76. Retrieved 22 August 2024.
- ^ Adud al-Din al-Iji 1966, p. 66
- ^ Tjitze de Boer [in Western Frisian] (1901). History of Philosophy in Islam. Stuttgart: Frommann-Holzboog. p. 43.
- ^ Duncan Black MacDonald. "Ilm al-kalām" in The Encyclopaedia of Islam. Vol. 2. Brill. pp. 717–723.
- ^ a b A. J. Wensinck [in German] (1932). The Muslim Creed. Its Genesis and Historical Development. Cambridge University Press. pp. 717–723.
- ^ Maimonides (1974). The Guide for the Perplexed. Translated by Michael Friedländer. p. 19.
- ^ Franz August Schmölders (1985). Essai sur les écoles philosophiques chez les arabes. Stuttgart et al.
- ^ Ibn Khaldun 2001, p. 586
- ^ Mohammed Abed al-Jabri (2002). Takwīn al-ʿaql al-ʿarabī. Beirut: The Centre: Journal of Arabic Studies. p. 347.
- ^ Josef van Ess [in German] (1991). Theology and Society in the 2nd and 3rd Centuries of the Hijra. A History of Religious Thought in Early Islam. Vol. 1. De Gruyter. p. 50.
- ^ Abd al-Aziz al-Duri, ed. (1971). Ahbar al-Daula al-Abbasiya wa-Fihi Ahbar al-Abbas wa-Waladihi. Beirut: Dar al-Tali. p. 310.
- ^ Shlomo Pines (1971). A Note on an Early Meaning of the Term Mutakallim in Israel Oriental Studies 1. Tel Aviv University. p. 225.
- ^ Abu Zakariya al-Azdi (1967). Ali Habiba (ed.). Tarikh al-Mausil. p. 5.
- ^ Josef van Ess [in German] (1975). The Beginnings of Islamic Theology" in JE Murdoch and ED Sylla: The Cultural Context of Medieval Learning: Proceedings of the First International Colloquium on Philosophy, Science, and Theology in the Middle Ages. D. Reidel. p. 89.
- ^ Abu al-Faraj al-Isfahani (2008). Kitab al-Agani. Vol. III. Translated by Ihsan Abbas; Ibrahim al-Sa'afrin; Bakr Abbas. Beirut: Dar Sadir. p. 101.
- ^ Abdullah Ansari (2008). Abu Gabir al-Ansari (ed.). Dham al-Kalam wa-ahlihi. Vol. IV. Amman: Maktabat al-Guraba al-Atariya. pp. 116–221.
- ^ Ibn Taymiyyah (1993). Muhibb al-Hatib (ed.). Al-Muntaqa min Manahig al-i-Tidal. Riyadh: Al-Risala al-Amm al-Idarat al-Buhut al-Ilmiya. p. 528.
- ^ al-Masudi (1861–1877). Muruj ad-Dahab wa-Maʿadin al-Jawhar. Vol. VIII. Translated by Barbier de Meynard et Pavet de Courteille. p. 293.
- ^ Brown, Rethinking tradition in modern Islamic thought, 1996: p.15
- ^ a b c Fakhry, Majid (1983). A History of Islamic Philosophy (second ed.). New York: Columbia University Press. pp. xvii–xviii.
- ^ Mutahhari, Murtadha (12 March 2013). "An Introduction to Ilm al-Kalam". al-islam.org. Retrieved 2023-10-31.
These were: embracing of Islam by various nations who brought with them a series of (alien) ideas and notions; mixing and coexistence of the Muslims with people of various religions, such as, the Jews, the Christians, the Magians, and the Sabaeans, and the ensuing religious debates and disputes between the Muslims and those peoples; the emergence of the Zanadiqah in the Islamic world - who were totally against religion - as a result of the general freedom during the rule of the 'Abbasid Caliphs (as long as it did not interfere in the matters of state politics); the birth of philosophy in the Muslim world - which by itself gave birth to doubts and skeptical attitudes.
- ^ Gardet, Louis (1978). "Kalām". In Bosworth, C. E.; van Donzel, E. J.; Heinrichs, W. P.; Lewis, B.; Pellat, Ch.; Dumont, C.; Paterson, M. (eds.). Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. Vol. 4. Leiden: Brill Publishers. doi:10.1163/1573-3912_islam_COM_0421. ISBN 978-90-04-16121-4.
- ^ a b Jeffry R. Halverson, Theology and Creed in Sunni Islam, 2010: p 37. ISBN 0-230-10658-7
- ^ a b c Black Macdonald, Duncan (2008). Development of Muslim Theology, Jurisprudence, and Constitutional Theory, Chapter=III. The Lawbook Exchange, Ltd. p. 187. ISBN 978-1-58477-858-5.
- ^ Walid ibn Muhammad Nabih ibn Sayf an-Nashr (1996). ibn 'Ied al-Abbasi, Muhammad (ed.). أصول السنة [Principle of Sunnah] (in Arabic). Maktaba Ibn Taymiyyah. p. 50. Retrieved 9 August 2024.
Footnote 13
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- ^ Shaukat Ali (1993). Millenarian and Messianic Tendencies in Islamic History. Publishers United. p. 118. Retrieved 9 August 2024.
- ^ Pemikiran Islam di Malaysia: sejarah dan aliran (in Malay). Gema Insani. 1997. p. 137. ISBN 979-561-430-4. Retrieved 9 August 2024.
- ^ brahim bin 'Amir Ar-Ruhaili (2019). Sikap Ahlussunnah wal Jama'ah terhadap Ahli Bid'ah dan Pengikut Hawa Nafsu (Jilid: 2) [The Attitude of Ahlussunnah wal Jama'ah towards Heretics and Followers of Lust (Volume: 2)] (in Indonesian). Darul Falah. pp. 96–97. ISBN 978-979-3036-74-8. Retrieved 12 August 2024.
- ^ Musthafa Said Al-khin (2014). Zirzis, Achmad (ed.). Sejarah Ushul Fikih [History of Ushul Fiqih] (in Indonesian). Translated by Muhammad Misbah. East Jakarta, Id: Pustaka Al-Kautsar. p. 235. Retrieved 9 August 2024.
- ^ Turner 2010, p. 95; Melchert 1996, pp. 321–25; Ibn Khallikan 1871, pp. 66, 69–70; Yarshater 1985–2007, v. 34: p. 75.
- ^ Turner 2010, pp. 95–98; Melchert 1996, pp. 325–26; Hinds 1993, pp. 4–5; Zetterstéen & Pellat 1960, p. 271; Ibn Khallikan 1871, p. 70; Yarshater 1985–2007, v. 34: pp. 116-19.
- ^ Al-Shahrastani (1850–1851). Al-Milal wa al-Nihal (in German). Vol. 1. Translated by Theodor Haarbrücker. Halle. p. 28.
- ^ Al-Yaʿqūbī (2019). Abdurahman Abdallah al-Saqir (ed.). Musakalat al-Nas li-Zamanihim (in Arabic). Beirut: Gadawil. p. 100.
- ^ Ibn Babawayh (1991). Husain al-A'lami (ed.). Musakalat al-Nas li-Zamanihim (in Arabic). Beirut: Mu'assasat al-A'lami. p. 339.
- ^ al-Masudi (1861–1877). Muruj ad-Dahab wa-Maʿadin al-Jawhar. Vol. VI. Translated by Barbier de Meynard et Pavet de Courteille. pp. 368–375.
- ^ Al-Yaʿqūbī (2019). Abdurahman Abdallah al-Saqir (ed.). Musakalat al-Nas li-Zamanihim (in Arabic). Beirut: Gadawil. p. 104.
- ^ al-Jahiz 1979, p. 244
- ^ al-Jahiz 1979, p. 246
- ^ Al-Jahiz (1979). Abd as-Salam M. Harun (ed.). Risala fi nafy at-tasbih (PDF) (in Arabic). Vol. 1. Cairo. p. 285.
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- ^ Halverson (2010, p. 38).
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- ^ Birgit Krawietz; Georges Tamer (2013). Islamic Theology, Philosophy and Law: Debating Ibn Taymiyya and Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya Studien zur Geschichte und Kultur des islamischen Orients. Walter de Gruyter. pp. 276–277. ISBN 978-3-11-028540-6. Retrieved 22 August 2024.
- ^ Zaid Al-Sharif (2015). "آراء الغزالي وابن تيمية في الحد المنطقي" [Al-Ghazali and Ibn Taymiyyah's views on the logical definition]. alukah.net (in Arabic). لألوكة. Retrieved 25 August 2024. References:
- Al-Mustasfa, pp. 11-14, 19-24
- Ar-Radd 'ala al-Mantiqiyyin, pp. 45, 48, 50-53, 55-57, 61, 64, 68, 70, 72, 80-83, 101, 103-104, 113, 114, 117-119, 121.
- Majmu' Al-Fatawa, vol. 9, pp. 23-25.
- ^ Bowering, Gerhard, ed. (2013). The Princeton Encyclopedia of Islamic Political Thought. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. pp. 506–507. ISBN 978-0-691-13484-0.
al-Shawkani, Muhammad b. 'Ali (1760–1834)... dismissed speculative theology (kalām) and reason-based arguments as idle talk and was a staunch Salafi in matters of creed
- ^ Haykel, Bernard (2003). "The Absolute Interpreter and Renewer of the Thirteenth Century AH". Revival and Reform in Islam: The Legacy of Muhammad Al-Shawkani. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. p. 104. ISBN 978-0-521-52890-0.
Shawkänī, as was mentioned already, was opposed to kaläm, which he regarded as a science that led to more confusion than clarity for the believer. He admits that he felt confused by it (lam azdad bihā illā þpiratan) and he found it to consist of idle talk (khuza"balār)... Shawkānī appears to fit more properly, though perhaps not entirely, in the Hanbalī tradition, which rejected outright many of the theological claims made by the various schools of kalām.
- ^ Ahmad Farid Al-Mazidi (2023). المذهب العارف ومذاهب أخرى (دائرة المعارف -8-). f Dar Al Kotob Al Ilmiyah دار الكتب العلمية. pp. iii, 28, 31. ISBN 978-2-7451-8264-7. Retrieved 20 August 2024.
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Shawkani .. is a prominent authority for the Salafi version of Islam
- ^ Bernard Haykel; Thomas Hegghammer; Stéphane Lacroix (2015). Saudi Arabia in Transition: Insights on Social, Political, Economic and Religious Change. New York, USA: Cambridge University Press. p. 158. ISBN 978-1-107-00629-4.
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- ^ Moussa, Mohammed (2016). "3: Renewal in the formation of the Islamic tradition". Politics of the Islamic Tradition: The thought of Muhammad al-Ghazali. New York, USA: Routledge. pp. 56–59. ISBN 978-1-138-84121-5.
- ^ Leaman, Oliver (2022). Routledge Handbook of Islamic Ritual and Practice. New York, NY: Routledge. p. 128. ISBN 978-0-367-49123-9.
- ^ Vassiliev, Alexei (1998). The History of Saudi Arabia. London, UK: Saqi Books. p. 146. ISBN 0-86356-399-6.
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- ^ a b Schmidtke, Sabine; El-Rouayheb, Khaled (2014). "Theology and Logic". The Oxford Handbook of Islamic Theology. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 428. ISBN 978-0-19-969670-3.
- ^ Meijer, Roel (2014). "Salafism In Pakistan: The Ahl-e Hadith Movement". Global Salafism: Islam's New Religious Movement. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 127. ISBN 978-0-19-933343-1.
The Jama'at Ahl-e Hadith, an elitist politico religious movement aimed at islah (reform), has its origins in the early 1870s. Like other Sunni reform movements, it claims to continue the tradition of Shah Waliullah Dehlavi (1703–1762) whom it regards as the first modern Ahl-e Hadith member and draws on ideas of Syed Ahmed Barelvi (Ahmed Shaheed) (1786–1831), follower of Shah Abdul Aziz (1746–1824), the son of Shah Waliullah, and the Yemenite qadi Mohammad ibn Ali al Shawkani (1775–1839).
- ^ Sophie Gilliat-Ray (2010). Muslims in Britain: An Introduction. Cambridge University Press. p. 104. ISBN 978-0-521-83006-5.
- ^ Nizami, Khaliq AHmad (1990). "The Impact of Ibn Taymiyya on South Asia". Journal of Islamic Studies. 1. Oxford University Press: 139–140. doi:10.1093/jis/1.1.120. JSTOR 26195671 – via JSTOR.
After Shah Wali Allah, the most powerful advocate of Ibn Taimiyya's ideology was Nawab Sayyid Muhammad Siddiq Hasan Khan (1832–1890)..
- ^ Krawietz, birgit; Tamer, Georges, eds. (2013). "Screening Ṣiddīq Ḥasan Khān's Library: The Use of Ḥanbalī Literature in 19th-Century Bhopal". Islamic Theology, Philosophy and Law: Debating Ibn Taymiyya and Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya. Berlin, Germany: Walter De Gruyter. pp. 195–196. ISBN 978-3-11-028534-5.
- ^ Olidort, Jacob (2015). "A New Curriculum: Rashīd Riḍā and Traditionalist Salafism". In Defense of Tradition: Muhammad Nasir Al-Din Al-Albani and the Salafi Method (Thesis). Princeton, New Jersey, USA: Princeton University. pp. 52–62.
Rashīd Riḍā presented these core ideas of Traditionalist Salafism, especially the purported interest in ḥadīth of the early generations of Muslims, as a remedy for correcting Islamic practice and belief during his time.
- ^ Lauziere, Henri (2016). The Making of Salafism: Islamic Reform in the Twentieth Century. New York: Columbia University Press. p. 46. ISBN 978-0-231-17550-0.
- ^ Yusuf Abu Ubaidah as-Sidawy (13 March 2010). "15 Alasan Kokohnya Aqidah Salaf Shalih" [Do You Know Where Allah Is?]. Yusuf Abu Ubaidah Official (in Indonesian). Retrieved 9 August 2024. concise reference text from: Al-Albani (2003). "1". Irwaul Ghalil [The stability of the Salaf's creed and its safety from changes] (in Arabic). Saudi Arabia: Najla Press. p. 113. Retrieved 9 August 2024.
- ^ Ilahi, Muhammad Manzoor. Zakariya, Abu Bakr Muhammad (ed.). "Samāja sanskārē saṭhika ākīdāra gurutba" (The Importance of Right Aqeedah in Social Reformation) (PDF) (in Bengali). Riyadh, Saudi Arabia: Islamic Propagation Office in Rabwah. pp. 11–12. Retrieved 23 November 2022.
References
[edit]Primary sources
[edit]- Al-Jahiz (1979). Risalah fi Sina'ah al-Kalam. Vol. IV. Cairo. pp. 241–250.
{{cite book}}
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Further reading
[edit]- Eissa, Mohamed. The Jurist and the Theologian: Speculative Theology in Shāfiʿī Legal Theory. Gorgias Press: Piscataway, NJ, 2017. ISBN 978-1-4632-0618-5.
- Wolfson, Harry Austryn, The Philosophy of the Kalam, Harvard University Press, 1976, 779 pages, ISBN 978-0-674-66580-4, Google Books, text at archive.org
External links
[edit]- Kalam and Islam by Sheikh Nuh Keller
- Kalam and Islam, Living Islam
- Islamic Kalām: Rational Expressions of Medieval Theological Thought, Encyclopedia of Mediterranean Humanism